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The change from pronoun to clitic to prefix and the rise of null subjects in spoken Swiss French

机译:从代词到气候到前缀的变化以及瑞士法语口语中空语的兴起

摘要

This dissertation explores a typological puzzle within the Romance language family: How is it that French could have evolved so divergently from the rest of the family that it has apparently lost two of the most characteristic features of Romance languages, i.e., (1) a highly inflected verb paradigm and (2) optional nominal and pronominal subjects? Using a ±60,000-word corpus of Everyday Spoken Swiss French (ESSF), comprising 14 educated, middle-class speakers conversing with family and friends, I examine the subject clitics and subject NPs from the theoretical framework of grammaticalization, since the data are gradient and represent change in progress. This type of data collection is crucial given the increasingly diglossic situation that exists between Spoken and Written French. The corpus shows that the subject clitics have fully morphologized 100% into prefixes in all but a few, predictably trailing, environments of the 3rd person. Thus the former clitics are no longer subject pronouns but person/number inflectional morphemes on the verb. To fill the void in the subject pronoun paradigm, a set of true, personal pronouns (moi, toi, lui, etc.) has moved in. But they, like other full NP subjects, are highly optional. Just as in Spanish and Italian, these overt subjects are used only sparingly, i.e., for contrast, emphasis, and disambiguation. When they do appear, they are most likely to occur pre-verbally, thus maintaining the traditional SVO word order of French, although alternate word orders also occur. The redevelopment of a highly inflected verb paradigm, albeit prefixal, not suffixal, and the consequent restructuring of the personal pronoun paradigm has allowed for the reemergence of null pronominal and nominal subjects in ESSF. The corpus also reveals a new, markedness-driven, morphological change starting in certain 3Sg. impersonal verbs, i.e., the development of a zero-morpheme. Based on these findings, two classic tests from generative grammar, Montalbetti's (1984) Overt Pronoun Constraint and Chomsky's (1981, 1982) Pro-drop Parameter are applied and show that ESSF behaves like other Romance pro-drop languages. This reanalysis of ESSF is discussed from the perspective of Romance typology, French Creoles, and first and second language acquisition. Finally, pedagogical implications are proposed.
机译:本文探讨了罗曼语家族中的一种类型学难题:法语与其他家族之间的差异如此之大,以至于法国似乎已经失去了罗曼语两种最典型的特征,即(1)变形的动词范式和(2)可选的名词和代词主语?我使用±60,000字的日常口语瑞士法语(ESSF)语料库,其中包括14位受过教育的中产阶级人士与家人和朋友交谈,我从语法化的理论框架研究了主题气候和主题NP,因为数据是梯度的并代表进行中的变更。考虑到口语和书面法语之间日益不明朗的情况,这种数据收集至关重要。语料库表明,在第三人称的少数几个可预见的尾随环境中,主题气候已将100%形态完全化为前缀。因此,从前的气候不再是主语的代名词,而是动词上的人/数变折语素。为了填补主体代词范式的空白,已经引入了一组真实的人称代词(moi,toi,lui等)。但是,像其他完整的NP主体一样,它们是高度可选的。就像西班牙语和意大利语一样,这些公开的主题很少使用,即用于对比,强调和消歧。当它们确实出现时,它们很可能在口头出现,从而保持了法语的传统SVO单词顺序,尽管也出现了其他单词顺序。尽管是前缀的而不是后缀的,高度变形的动词范式的重新开发,以及随后的人称代词范式的重组,使得ESSF中出现了空虚的代词和名词主题。语料库还揭示了从某些3Sg开始的新的,标记驱动的形态变化。非人称动词,即零语素的发展。基于这些发现,应用了生成语法的两个经典测试:Montalbetti(1984)的明显代词约束和Chomsky(1981,1982)的Pro-drop参数,它们表明ESSF的行为与其他Romance Pro-drop语言类似。从浪漫主义类型学,法语克里奥尔语以及第一语言和第二语言习得的角度讨论了对ESSF的重新分析。最后,提出了教学意义。

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