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The organization and regulation of international shipping cartels.

机译:国际航运卡特尔的组织和监管。

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The international liner shipping industry is organized into cartels and has been for over one hundred years. This thesis consists of two parts: the first analyzes the shipping conference phenomenon from the perspective of industrial organization, and the second evaluates the regulation of the industry utilizing the tools of political economy. In chapter one, I examine the internal organization of shipping conferences in the early years of their existence, prior to World War I. I find a considerable variety of experiences, and little power attributable to explanatory variables normally supposed to facilitate collusion. Shipping conferences were not perfect cartels in that they did not regulate capacity efficaciously. The second chapter critically discusses the theory of destructive competition, and the third examines the use of deferred rebates as a contractually designed barrier to entry. The essential conclusion from the three chapters of part one is that shipping conferences are able to exercise market power, although the fruits of that market power are to some extent eroded by excess service competition. In addition, a preponderance of the evidence does not support the "destructive competition" contention that if the conferences were prohibited on antitrust grounds that the industry would simply disappear. Given these conclusions, in part two I turn to examine the history of the regulation of shipping conferences in the United States. In chapter four, I view the development of regulation over the long term. The fifth and sixth chapters are detailed analyses of the two key pieces of regulatory legislation: the Shipping Acts of 1916 and 1984. The capture theory of regulation does not explain adequately the passage of either law. In the case of the Shipping Act of 1916, the initial intentions appear to be consistent with a public interest theory of politics, although the enforcement of the law was subverted due to the circumstances surrounding the aftermath of World War I. This crisis and response had long lasting effects, and the bureaucratic agency responsible for regulating the shipping industry came to be very much associated with it. The Shipping Act of 1984 conforms more closely to the capture model, although the "supply side" of regulation, particularly the Congressional committee system, were of fundamental importance.
机译:国际班轮运输业组织成卡特尔,已有一百多年的历史。本文由两部分组成:第一部分从产业组织的角度分析了航运会议现象,第二部分利用政治经济学的工具对产业规制进行了评价。在第一章中,我研究了第一次世界大战之前航运会议的内部组织。我发现了各种各样的经验,而且很少有可归因于通常被认为有助于串通的解释变量。航运会议不是完美的卡特尔,因为它们没有有效地调节容量。第二章批判性地讨论了破坏性竞争的理论,第三章考察了递延回扣作为合同设计的进入壁垒的使用。从第一部分的三章中得出的基本结论是,航运会议能够行使市场支配力,尽管这种市场支配力的成果在一定程度上受到过度服务竞争的侵蚀。此外,大量证据不支持“破坏性竞争”的论点,即如果以反托拉斯为由禁止会议,该行业将简单地消失。基于这些结论,在第二部分中,我将探讨美国航运会议法规的历史。在第四章中,我从长远来看监管的发展。第五章和第六章详细分析了监管立法的两个关键部分:1916年和1984年的《航运法》。监管的俘获理论不能充分解释这两项法律的通过。就《 1916年航运法》而言,最初的意图似乎与政治的公共利益理论相符,尽管由于第一次世界大战后的情况而使法律的执行受到了破坏。长期的影响,而负责监管航运业的官僚机构与此密切相关。 1984年的《航运法》更接近于捕获模式,尽管法规的“供应方”,尤其是国会委员会体系至关重要。

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