首页> 外文OA文献 >The French Revolution: The Origins of a Modern Liberal Political Culture?
【2h】

The French Revolution: The Origins of a Modern Liberal Political Culture?

机译:法国大革命:现代自由政治文化的起源?

代理获取
本网站仅为用户提供外文OA文献查询和代理获取服务,本网站没有原文。下单后我们将采用程序或人工为您竭诚获取高质量的原文,但由于OA文献来源多样且变更频繁,仍可能出现获取不到、文献不完整或与标题不符等情况,如果获取不到我们将提供退款服务。请知悉。

摘要

Recently it has been argued that the chief legacy of the French Revolution was that it provided a prototype of a modern liberal political culture. This paper argues that, while some of the features of such a political culture did appear during the revolutionary decade, the revolutionaries never discarded an ancient conception of sovereignty which insisted that political will had to be unitary and indivisible. This led to rejection of political parties, legitimate opposition, and pluralism. The debates in the Constituent Assembly already reveal these illiberal tendencies. The Declaration of the Rights of Man, with its apparent emphasis on individual rights, might seem to have counterbalanced these tendencies, but two clauses inserted at the insistence of Abbé Sieyès vested sovereignty in the nation and asserted that law must be the expression of the general will. These clauses transformed the rights of the individual into the rights of the Leviathan. The insistence on a unified will was revealed in the allegorical figures, symbols, and architectural projects of the period. The figure of the demigod Hercules, which came to represent the People, conveyed a monolithic conception of the citizenry in complete contradiction to the conception of them in a pluralistic liberal democracy. Also the fasces, the tightly bound bundle of rods with no power to move independently, suggested a conception of the body politic at odds with that of a variegated liberal society. If such unity did not exist, it was to be created by the rituals performed in Temples décadaires every tenth day, the republican Sunday. Those who would not join this vast congregation would be excised or coerced. Moreover, throughout the decade there were various theories of revolutionary government at odds with liberal ideals: the unlimited power of a constituent body, the concentration of power in a tribune or dictator, or the dictatorship of a committee. Such notions, too, were important for the future.
机译:最近有人认为,法国大革命的主要遗产是它提供了现代自由政治文化的原型。本文认为,尽管这种政治文化的某些特征在革命十年中确实出现了,但革命者们从未放弃过古老的主权概念,该观念主张政治意愿必须是统一的,不可分割的。这导致政党遭到拒绝,合法反对派和多元化。制宪议会中的辩论已经揭示了这些非法倾向。显然强调个人权利的《人的权利宣言》似乎在抵消了这些趋势,但是在阿贝·西耶斯坚持拥有国家主权的同时插入了两个条款,并断言法律必须是一般性的表达。将。这些条款将个人的权利转化为利维坦的权利。在那个时代的寓言人物,符号和建筑项目中,都体现了对统一意志的坚持。代表人民的半神大力士形象传达了一个单一的公民观念,与多元自由民主中的公民观念完全矛盾。同样,束缚,束缚的束缚束缚,束缚无力独立运动,这暗示了与多样化的自由社会的身体政治观念不一致的观念。如果不存在这种统一性,它将由共和党星期日每10天在décadaires中进行的仪式创建。那些不愿加入这个庞大教会的人将被裁减或强迫。此外,在整个十年中,有各种各样的革命政府理论与自由主义理想背道而驰:组成机构的无限权力,权力集中在论坛或独裁者或委员会的独裁统治。这些概念对未来也很重要。

著录项

  • 作者

    Leith James A.;

  • 作者单位
  • 年度 1991
  • 总页数
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 en
  • 中图分类

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
代理获取

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号