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A dyadic theory of conflict: Power and interests in world politics.

机译:二元冲突理论:世界政治中的权力和利益。

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摘要

Power is perhaps the most important concept in political science, and this is no different in the field of international relations. In particular, one ‘power question’ has dominated theoretical and empirical work: is it balances of power or preponderances of power between states that are more pacific? Seemingly distinct theoretical arguments have grown up around each of the two positions and the bulk of the recent empirical literature has found that it is preponderances of power that are more pacific. This dissertation re-examines the balance-preponderance question at the level of the interstate dyad, and argues that in order to arrive the correct answer we must take state interests into account—something that most empirical work on the subject fails to do. This is surprising because most of the classical literature on power and conflict, particularly work within the Classical Realist tradition, argues that the effect of power on conflict is conditioned by state interests.; Operating at the level of the interstate dyad gains us tremendous empirical leverage with which to re-examine the classical literature on the ‘balance-preponderance’ question. Not only am I able to show that the foundations of the two main schools of thought are remarkably similar, but I am able to demonstrate an important shortcoming in the classical arguments. They do not allow for independent and conditional effects for power and interests on conflict. These shortcomings prompt me to develop a dyadic theory of conflict that does allow for these two key variables to have independent and conditional effects on severe military conflict. The dyadic theory of conflict has four main hypotheses. First, dyadic balances of power are more peaceful than dyadic preponderances of power. Second, dyads with similar interests will experience less conflict than dyads with dissimilar interests. Third, there is a significant conditional relationship between power and interests when determining dyadic conflict. Finally, interests have a greater effect on dyadic conflict than power.; After carefully conceptualizing and operationalizing ‘power’ as relative power and ‘interests’ as dyadic interest similarity, these four hypotheses are tested using descriptive and multivariate statistical techniques on four sets of dependent variables which encompass the definition of severe military conflict: conflict occurrence, conflict severity, conflict timing, and inter-conflict (de)escalation. I find strong support for hypothesis one, and very strong support for hypotheses two, three, and four; even in the face of numerous competing hypotheses.
机译:权力也许是政治学中最重要的概念,在国际关系领域也没有什么不同。尤其是,一个“权力问题”主导了理论和经验工作:是更太平洋的国家之间的权力平衡还是优势之间的平衡?似乎在这两个立场的每一个周围都出现了截然不同的理论论据,并且最近的大量经验文献都发现,更为优势的是权力的优势。本文在州际二元层次上重新审视了余额优势问题,并指出,为了得出正确的答案,我们必须考虑到国家利益-这是大多数有关该主题的实证研究未能做到的事情。这是令人惊讶的,因为大多数关于权力和冲突的古典文献,特别是在古典现实主义者传统中的著作,都认为权力对冲突的影响取决于国家利益。在州际二元组的水平上运行,为我们赢得了巨大的经验优势,可用来重新审视有关“平衡优势”问题的古典文献。我不仅能够证明两个主要思想流派的基础非常相似,而且能够证明古典论证的一个重要缺陷。它们不允许冲突中的权力和利益受到独立和有条件的影响。这些缺点促使我发展了二元冲突理论,该理论确实使这两个关键变量对严重的军事冲突具有独立和有条件的影响。二元冲突理论有四个主要假设。首先,二元均势比二元均占优势更为和平。其次,与兴趣不同的二元组相比,兴趣相似的二元组将较少遇到冲突。第三,在确定二元冲突时,权力与利益之间存在重要的条件关系。最后,利益对二元冲突的影响要大于权力。在将“权力”作为相对权力,并将“利益”作为二元利益相似性仔细地概念化和可操作性之后,使用描述性和多元统计技术对四组因变量进行了检验,对这四个假设进行了检验,这些变量包括严重军事冲突的定义:冲突发生,冲突严重性,冲突时间和冲突(降级)升级。我发现对假设一的大力支持,对假设二,三个和四个的大力支持;即使面对众多相互竞争的假设。

著录项

  • 作者

    Sweeney, Kevin J.;

  • 作者单位

    The Ohio State University.;

  • 授予单位 The Ohio State University.;
  • 学科 Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2004
  • 页码 366 p.
  • 总页数 366
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 国际法;
  • 关键词

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