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ASEAN as the 'regional conductor': understanding ASEAN's role in East Asian regional order

机译:东盟作为“地区指挥”:了解东盟在东亚地区秩序中的作用

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摘要

This thesis addresses the puzzle of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) prominence in regional order negotiation and management in East Asia during times of transition and crisis. It argues that ASEAN's prominence is not merely the result of structural dynamics of great power rivalry, but due to ASEAN creating a ‘regional conductor’ role in negotiation with great powers. The thesis contributes to the literature by developing an English School-inspired 'role negotiation' framework and uncovering the social foundations for ASEAN’s role, rooted in cumulative and on-going role negotiation. The framework shows how actors come to perform social roles through a process of legitimation: they conceptualise and claim a role and seek endorsement from key audiences. This thesis applies the framework to the US in early Cold War Southeast Asia, China during the Cambodian Conflict and to ASEAN in post-Cold War East Asia. It finds that negotiations over the US' and China's roles during the Cold War established, and reinforced, a division of labour where great powers provided security public goods but the key 'great power' function of diplomatic leadership was subcontracted to ASEAN. ASEAN's diplomatic leadership in Southeast Asia provided a foundation for creating its 'regional conductor' role in the uncertainty of the early post-Cold War years. ASEAN extended its diplomatic leadership into the wider East Asian region, convening the full regional ‘orchestra’ and providing a ‘score’: a framework of norms and institutions within which all regional players can operate. However, ASEAN’s position in a post-Cold War division of labour is insecure because, unlike during the Cold War, there is no clear goal shared between all key players. ASEAN’s legitimacy as 'regional conductor' is therefore based on its neutrality and competence to convene inclusive dialogue; its ability to address substantive issues between the great powers is limited. In order for the regional orchestra to play more beautiful music, the great powers themselves will need to reach agreement on a more sophisticated 'score'.
机译:本文解决了过渡时期和危机时期东南亚国家联盟(ASEAN)在东亚地区秩序谈判和管理中的突出困惑。它认为,东盟的突出地位不仅是大国竞争的结构动力的结果,而且是由于东盟在与大国的谈判中建立了“地区指挥”的作用。本论文通过建立以英语学校为灵感的“角色谈判”框架并揭示了东盟角色的社会基础而为文学做出了贡献,而这一基础植根于不断累积的角色谈判中。该框架显示了演员如何通过合法化过程来履行社会角色:他们将角色概念化并声明自己的角色,并寻求主要受众的认可。本文将框架应用于冷战初期的东南亚美国,柬埔寨冲突期间的中国以及冷战后东亚的东盟。它发现,关于冷战期间美国和中国角色的谈判建立并加强了分工,大国提供安全的公共物品,但外交领导的关键“大国”职能分包给了东盟。东盟在东南亚的外交领导为在冷战后初期的不确定性中发挥其“地区指挥”作用奠定了基础。东盟将其外交领导权扩大到更广泛的东亚地区,召集了整个地区的“乐团”并提供了“得分”:所有地区参与者均可在其中运作的规范和制度框架。但是,东盟在冷战后的劳动分工中的地位是不安全的,因为与冷战时期不同,所有主要参与者之间没有明确的目标。因此,东盟作为“地区指挥”的合法性基于其中立性和召开包容性对话的能力;它处理大国之间实质性问题的能力有限。为了使地区乐团演奏更优美的音乐,大国自己将需要就更复杂的“乐谱”达成协议。

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    Yates Robert;

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  • 年度 2015
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