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An ERP study of the processing of subject and object relative clauses in Japanese

机译:日语中主从关系从句处理的ERP研究

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Using reading times and event-related brain potentials (ERPs), we investigated the processing of Japanese subject and object relative clauses (SRs/ORs). Previous research on English relative clauses shows that ORs take longer to read (King Just, 1991) and elicit anterior negativity between fillers and gaps (King Kutas, 1995), which is attributed to increased working memory load due to longer filler-gap distance. In contrast to English, gaps in Japanese relative clauses are less clearly marked and precede their fillers, and the linear gap-filler distance is shorter in ORs than in SRs. Nevertheless, Japanese ORs take longer to read (Ishizuka, Nakatani, Gibson, 2003; Miyamoto Nakamura, 2003), perhaps because in both English and Japanese, gaps in ORs are more deeply embedded, with the result that there is longer structural distance between filler and gap in their syntactic representations (O'Grady, 1997). We investigated how gap-filler association in Japanese would compare to filler-gap association in English, and whether it is linear or structural distance that determines comprehension difficulty. The results showed higher processing costs for ORs than SRs in both reading times and ERPs, and thus are most consistent with a structural distance account. The results also showed that gap-filling difficulty manifests itself as larger centro-posterior positivity in ERP responses to Japanese OR sentences, just as it does in English long-distance dependencies (cf. Kaan, Harris, Gibson, Holcomb, 2000; Phillips, Kazanina, Abada, 2005; Gouvea, Phillips, Kazanina, Poeppel, 2007). There is also evidence that there is a probabilistic cue of a gap in Japanese OR sentences that triggers anterior negativity - similar to the triggering of anterior negativity by a clearly marked filler in English filler-gap sentences (cf. Kluender Kutas, 1993a, 1993b). Thus, we argue that there is substantial similarity between the processing of English filler-gap constructions and Japanese gap-filler constructions.
机译:使用阅读时间和事件相关的脑电势(ERP),我们研究了日语主语和宾语相对从句(SR / OR)的处理过程。先前对英语相关从句的研究表明,OR读取所需的时间更长(King Just,1991年),并导致填充物与间隙之间的前向负性(King Kutas,1995年),这归因于填充间隙的距离越长,工作记忆负荷就越大。与英语相反,日语相对从句中的空白标记不清晰,且位于其填充符之前,OR中的线性空白填充符距离比SR中的短。然而,日语的OR读起来需要更长的时间(Ishizuka,Nakatani,Gibson,2003; Miyamoto Nakamura,2003),可能是因为在英语和日语中,OR的间隙都被深深地嵌入,结果是填充物之间的结构距离更长和句法表现上的差距(O'Grady,1997)。我们研究了日语中的空缺-填充物联想与英语中的填充物-空隙联想之间的比较,以及确定理解难度的是线性距离还是结构距离。结果表明,在阅读时间和ERP中,OR的处理成本均高于SR,因此与结构距离帐户最一致。结果还表明,填补空缺的困难表现为ERP对日语OR句子的响应具有较大的中心后正性,就像在英语长途依赖中一样(参见Kaan,Harris,Gibson,Holcomb,2000; Phillips, Kazanina,阿巴达(Abada),2005年; Gouvea,菲利普斯(Phillips),Kazanina,Poeppel,2007年)。也有证据表明日语OR句子中存在间隙的概率提示会触发前否定词-类似于英语填空句中明显标记的填充词触发前否定词(参见Kluender Kutas,1993a,1993b) 。因此,我们认为在英语填充间隙构造和日语填充间隙构造的处理之间存在很大的相似性。

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