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The anti-red shift – to the 'Dark Side': Colour changes in Flemish luxury woollens, 1300 - 1550

机译:反红色的转变 - 到'黑暗面':佛兰芒奢华羊毛衫的颜色变化,1300 - 1550

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摘要

This study documents, though it cannot fully explain, the striking shift in the spectrum of colour patterns in woollen textiles, from those of the Black Death era in the mid to late fourteenth century to those of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth century, in the southern Low Countries: a radical shift from bright red and vivid colours, especially scarlet, or mixed colours (in medley and striped woollens) to much darker, blue-based colours, ending up with overwhelmingly black colours. The evidence is taken from the annual purchases of high-grade luxury quality woollen textiles for the upper echelons of the civic governments of Bruges (from 1302 to 1496) and of Mechelen (1361-1415, and 1471 - 1550): for the burgermasters or mayors, the aldermen (schepenen), and the upper clerks. Thus, in the Mechelen civic accounts, 75 percent of the woollens purchased for these civic leaders, from 1471 to 1550, were black, uniformly dark black. In the first half of the sixteenth century, from 1501 to 1550, 98 percent of those woollens were black. While other colours – reds, greens, blues, browns – can also be found, they were purchased only for the lesser officials. Clearly the civic leaders, the urban ‘patriciate’ had acquired a decisive preference for black woollens, one also shown by the nobility.But at Bruges, in the four decades of the mid fourteenth century, from the 1340s (just before the Black Death) to the 1370s, the bright, vivid, red or scarlet, and multi-coloured textiles clearly predominated: varying from 72.4 to 81.7 percent by number purchased, and from 77.25 to 86.19 per cent by value. The differences in percentages by number and value is explained by the decisive prominence of the most costly and luxurious of all medieval woollens: the scarlets, dyed in the extremely costly brilliant red dye kermes (extracted from Mediterranean insects). Scarlets often accounted for over a third of the textiles so purchased in the 14th century, but their number fell sharply in the 15th century, along with the radical shift in the colour spectrum to much darker blue and then black textiles. This study explains the differences in the production costs and values of scarlets and of other dyed woollen broadcloths, while demonstrating with comparative price and wage analyses (i.e., the purchasing power of industrial wages) that only the very rich could afford to buy these textiles: that the principal markets were the nobility, the upper mercantile bourgeoisie, and political leaders. Indeed, a master mason would have to spend more than a year’s income to buy a scarlet.The famed Johan Huizinga (Autumn of the Middle Ages) had indeed commented on this predilection for dark and especially black (with purples) colours in the dress of the mid-fifteenth-century Burgundian court; but he was mistaken in his supposition that by the end of this century, clothing fashions had gone more toward blues, in light of the evidence from the Mechelen accounts. Huizinga and others have suggested various theories for this shift in the colour spectrum for textiles and for the later preference for the ‘dark side’, but none – including any that I can offer – is convincing.Economic historians, however, must not be so supply-side oriented that they ignore the vital question of colours and thus fashions in textiles, in creating market demand. For the subsequent victory of the New Draperies, over the costly, heavy-weight woollens of the Old Draperies, in producing lighter, cheaper, but also more brightly dyed textiles, in more vivid colours, a transformation followed by the massive influx of Asian printed calicoes (with radical floral and geometric designs), helped to create the market conditions for the 18th-century Industrial Revolution, in both geographic range and income distributions.
机译:这项研究虽然不能完全解释,但记录了从14世纪中后期至黑死病时期到16世纪上半叶的羊毛死亡时期的彩色图案光谱的惊人变化。 ,在南部低地国家:从鲜红色和鲜艳的颜色(尤其是猩红色)或混合色(混合色和条纹羊毛色)向更深的蓝色基调转变,最终变成了绝大多数黑色。证据来自布鲁日(1302至1496年)和梅赫伦(1361-1415和1471至1550年)公民政府上层梯队的年度高档高档羊毛纺织品采购:市长,the夫(schepenen)和上层书记员。因此,在梅赫伦的公民帐户中,从1471年到1550年,为这些公民领导人购买的羊毛衫中有75%是黑色的,都是深黑色的。在16世纪上半叶,从1501年到1550年,这些羊毛中有98%是黑色的。虽然也可以找到其他颜色(红色,绿色,蓝色,棕色),但它们仅是为下级官员购买的。显然,公民领袖对城市的“爱国主义者”具有决定性的偏爱,也很喜欢贵族们的黑色羊毛呢。但是在布鲁日,十四世纪中叶的四十年中,从1340年代开始(就在黑死病爆发之前)到1370年代,明亮,鲜艳,红色或猩红色和多色的纺织品明显占主导地位:从购买数量的72.4%到81.7%,从价值的77.25%到86.19%不等。数量和价值百分比上的差异是由所有中世纪羊毛中最昂贵和最豪华的决定性突出来解释的:猩红色被染成极其昂贵的鲜艳红色染料(从地中海昆虫中提取)。在14世纪,猩红色通常占购买的纺织品的三分之一以上,但在15世纪,猩红色的数量急剧下降,同时色谱领域也发生了从根本上向深蓝色和黑色的转变。这项研究解释了猩红色及其他染色羊毛宽幅布的生产成本和价值的差异,同时通过比较价格和工资分析(即工业工资的购买力)进行了证明,即只有非常富有的人才能买得起这些纺织品:主要市场是贵族,上层资产阶级和政治领袖。的确,大师级泥瓦匠必须花一年多的时间才能买到一条猩红色。著名的约翰·约翰·霍伊津加(中世纪的秋天)确实评论了这种偏爱,特别是深色的衣服(特别是黑色)(紫色)。十五世纪中叶的勃艮第法院;但根据梅赫伦(Mechelen)的说法,到本世纪末,服装时尚已经越来越偏向蓝调,这是他的误解。惠辛加(Huizinga)等人提出了各种理论来解决纺织品色谱变化和后来偏爱“深色面”的问题,但没有一个(包括我能提供的)令人信服。但是,经济史学家一定不能如此以供应方为导向,他们在创造市场需求时忽略了至关重要的颜色问题,因而忽略了纺织品的时尚问题。为了使新帐蓬随后获得胜利,以旧帐蓬的昂贵,重量重的羊毛为原料,生产出颜色更鲜艳,颜色更鲜艳,更轻便,更鲜艳的纺织品,这种转变随后是亚洲印刷品的大量涌入。印花布(具有激进的花卉和几何设计),帮助创造了18世纪工业革命的市场条件,包括地理范围和收入分布。

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    Munro John H.;

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  • 年度 2006
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  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 {"code":"en","name":"English","id":9}
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