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The People's Republic of China and her relations with the countries of the association of Southeast Asian nations : 1969-1975

机译:中华人民共和国及其与东南亚国家联盟国家的关系:1969-1975

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摘要

Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies ofthe People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia,Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised inthe Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975•2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumptionthat the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic ofChi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by adynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninistideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to Chinato behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist theinsurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrowthe local governments; (2) national interest, vhichdemands of China to safeguard the southern flank of herterritory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations,trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy.hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonisticand exclusivet the Chinere leaders are neverthelessat te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao'stheory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that itis -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into adynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could bepromoted at the same time although not to the same extent*la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamicequilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in whichone or the other orientation predominates in different•periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in oneperiod by mostly ideological considerations at the expenseof the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policyin the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sineand just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasisingfriendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionarymovements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum*!fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from onepole to the other of the spectrum is activated by thefollowing elementsJ (1) the result of an internal powerstruggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologicallyradical and moderate elements, which enables the victoriousfaction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessmentof the changing intentions and capabilities of the majorpowers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countriesof the area and the changing attitudes of theirgovernments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionarymovements operating in the area*'Phe second major point of this study is an assertionthat while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after herfoundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideologicalconsiderations, the beginning of the seventies saw thenational interest reasserting itself as the leading motivefactor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeastasia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties,"casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange forpatronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoesof the past are emerging ever stronger and influencingher postures towards the region, while the open supportto revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.
机译:Phe Ihesis研究了1969年至1975年在东南亚国家联盟组织的菲律宾人民组织的Jtenublie人民对J?hailnd,PTal ysia,新加坡,Iidonesia菲律宾的政治政策的演变。该研究的一个假设是*巴基斯坦对东南亚人民共和国的外交关系是由以下主要因素的无动力相互作用所激发的:(1)Farxist-Leninistideology和ICAOJée-tungPh ^ ught要求中国扮演革命的多佛,因此必须协助该地区的叛乱运动奋力逃亡,以推翻地方政府。 (2)为了维护国家利益,中国通过友好关系,贸易和其他传统外交手段来捍卫与南方人接壤的南部领土,而这两个主要动机在本质上是对立的,而中国领导人则是唯一的。尽管如此,在毛的第二种理论下,他们还是采取了一种连贯的政策。”维希认为,通过两种视点可以同时促进这种共同构成的趋势成为无动力的平衡。时间虽然不尽相同*换句话说,中国领导人将动态平衡视为他们之间的一个连续统一体,其中一个方向或另一个方向在不同时期占主导地位* Bins我们可能会看到中国的行为在一个时期内受主要动机意识形态方面的考虑以牺牲国与国之间的关系为代价,那么我可能会在连续的过程中看到她的政策并感到满意从immo bill sine那里走过去,或者最终,fefe可能会看到她强调友好的联系,而牺牲了革命运动在频谱的另一个极端的支持*!这种机制使北京能够从一个极点转移到另一个极点(1)北京领导层内部意识形态激进派与温和派之间进行内部权力斗争的结果,这使得胜利派能够启动新的政策; (2)北京评估该地区大国意图和能力的变化; (3)该地区各国内部的内部变化及其政府对中国的态度变化; (4)该地区革命运动运气的变化*该研究的第二个重点是断言,尽管中国在1949年建国后对东南* lsia的行为主要基于意识形态方面的考虑,但七十年代初看到了国家利益的重新确立作为主要动机*因此,中国与东南亚国家的邻国就长期的历史联系的相关性进行了对话,“将自己塑造成一个仁慈的”哥哥,他有权得到尊重和尊重,以换取赞助和保护。*因此,传统回声过去的历史变得越来越强大,影响着她对该地区的态度,而目前对革命运动的公开支持却在发挥作用。

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    Ng Wang-chun.;

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  • 年度 1976
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