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National Vote Intention and European Voting Behavior, 1979-2004: Second Order Election Effects, Election Timing, Government Approval and the Europeanization of European Elections

机译:1979 - 2004年全国投票意向和欧洲投票行为:二阶选举效应,选举时间,政府批准和欧洲选举欧洲化

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摘要

Voting behavior in elections to the European Parliament seems to follow a regular pattern, as many EP-election studies have found: Parties in government at the national level tend to lose vote shares in EP-elections as compared to the last domestic electoral contest; small and ideologically more extreme parties tend to gain vote shares. These losses and gains seem to be more pronounced when the European election is held in the middle of the domestic legislative term (mid-term effect). In the many accounts that try to explain these regular deviations from domestic voting, one causal factor plays a central role: the popularity loss of parties in office at the national level. Since reliable and comparable popularity data for the EU-member states seems to be missing, the literature has attempted to measure popularity loss with two kinds of proxies: changes in economic performance (e.g. changes in the unemployment rate) and the timing of the EP-election within the domestic term. This paper proposes to use the bi-annually collected national vote intention question of the Eurobarometer surveys as a measurement for party popularity. The paper has three central findings: 1) changes in national vote intention are a strong and stable predictor for the actual vote share shifts between national and European elections, 2) neither the economic nor the election timing variables contribute substantially to the explanation of the vote share shifts; 3) changes in the impact of the national vote intention variable on European election outcomes over the six EPelections held so far suggest that the European electorates have taken European issues more and more into consideration when participating in European elections (Europeanization of EPelections). However, the data also suggests that voters have used these elections increasingly to voice their dissatisfaction with the European integration process (Anti-Europeanization of EPelections).
机译:正如许多欧洲议会选举研究发现的那样,在欧洲议会选举中的投票行为似乎是有规律的。与上一次国内选举竞赛相比,国家一级的政府党派往往在欧洲议会选举中失去选票份额;规模较小且在意识形态上更极端的政党倾向于获得选票。当欧洲大选在国内立法任期中间举行时(中期影响),这些损失和收益似乎更为明显。在许多试图解释这些经常性偏离国内投票的叙述中,一个因果因素起着核心作用:在国家层面上当政党的民众流失。由于似乎缺少欧盟成员国可靠且可比较的受欢迎程度数据,因此文献试图用两种代理来衡量受欢迎程度的损失:经济表现的变化(例如失业率的变化)和EP-的时机。国内选举。本文建议使用欧洲晴雨表调查每两年收集一次的国家投票意向问题来衡量政党的知名度。该论文具有三个主要发现:1)国家投票意向的变化是国家和欧洲选举之间实际投票份额变化的有力和稳定的预测因素; 2)经济或选举时机变量都没有对投票的解释做出实质性贡献股份变动; 3)在迄今为止举行的六次大选中,国家投票意图变量对欧洲选举结果的影响发生变化,这表明欧洲选民在参加欧洲大选时已经越来越多地考虑欧洲问题(欧洲大选欧洲化)。但是,数据还表明,选民越来越多地利用这些选举来表达对欧洲一体化进程(反欧洲选举的不满)的不满。

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    Manow Philip;

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