AbstractudMost studies of the relationship between popular music and youth have concentratedudon the leisure site. Few have considered the school, and even fewer have made anyudcomparison between these two sites. In this study I have bridged this gap, focusing onudareas that impinge within and across both sites.udMy ethnographic study, conducted in 1998 and 2000 in Japan, examined howudhigh school pupils aged 15-18 approach popular music in both school and leisure sitesudin relation to (a) formal, semi-formal and informal spaces concerning learningudpractices. Whereas the formal space is dominated by supervised and assessed ways ofudlearning and legitimised knowledge, the informal space is pupil-led and involvesudknowledge which is not necessarily recognised by the school. Between these two, theudsemi-formal space is open to non-legitimised knowledge, but is nonetheless stilludassessed by others. Michel de Certeau's theoretical division of everyday practices -udstrategies and tactics - is applied to (b) boys' and girls' techniques for dealing withudpopular music in relation to each learning space. Distinctions were also investigatedudbetween the ways that boys and girls engage in popular music as (c) listeners andudperformers.udThree categories of popular music emerge from the findings and are theorised asudpersonal, common and standard music. Firstly, 'personal music' belongs to eachudperson at an individual level. It can be regarded as a form of Pierre Bourdieu'sud'habitus', which exists as an embodied state and equates to private musical tastes orudpreferences. Secondly, 'common music' belongs to subcultural peer groups of the sameudgeneration, but not to older generations such as parents and teachers. It can be linked toudBourdieu's concept of 'acquired capital', and is obtained through the aforementionedudthree learning spaces. Thirdly, 'standard music' is shared across generations, includingudteachers, parents and pupils. It operates as 'inherited capital' accumulated by informaludlearning at home, and is often legitimated in the school. Whereas boys tended to situateudtheir personal music in relation to the common music of their subcultural group, girlsudwere likely to make use of common and standard music as 'camouflage' in order toudconceal their personal music, particularly in the formal space.
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