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Methods matter: reflections on the study of the research: policy nexus in the Belgian cannabis law reform

机译:方法问题:对研究研究的反思:比利时大麻法改革的政策关系

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摘要

The notion that research may be carried out expressly to influence policy is still controversial to many researchers. Some feel quite strongly that research should not be limited and directed by the demands of policy makers. They assume that more is accomplished when research is unfettered and free to follow its own directions. However, providing research for the benefit of policy makers and the needs of a society is equally legitimate. In particular, some drug researchers bemoan their lack of influence on drug policy, believing that policy would be improved if their research findings were more central in decision making. After lengthy and difficult negotiations, policy recommendations to de facto depenalize the possession of cannabis for personal use were endorsed via the Belgian Law of 3 May 2003. The discussion about the new stipulations must be considered within the evolution in various European countries towards more tolerant policies regarding cannabis possession at the start of the twenty‐first century (e.g. Switzerland, Spain, UK). In my research I aim to understand how ‘evidence’ was used in the development of the cannabis law reform in Belgium and which (f)actors were at play. Is the development of the 2003 Cannabis Act based on (scientific) input or, so called, ‘evidence‐based’? Extensive academic output, using a diversity of approaches and analytical frameworks, has sought to systematize knowledge (or research) utilization categories and strategies. Most authors hold a positivist view resulting in an assumption that the relation between knowledge and policy is linear, direct or problem solving and, to a certain extent, predictable. Scientific inquiry is seen as the core knowledge production process. I follow a critical, constructivist approach assuming that social reality is rather produced and reproduced through actions and interactions between (powerful) people and the ‘third community’ (e.g. media, interest groups). This presentation will report on my considerations in developing (and testing) my methodological framework. Can I use existing frameworks for understanding my emphasis? Is it possible to measure utilization of research? What do we mean with ‘evidence‐based’? Which qualitative or quantitative methods are best suited? In critically addressing these challenges, I will discuss some of the lessons I learned in order to establish a more ‘realistic’ understanding of the research‐policy.
机译:对于许多研究人员而言,是否可以进行明确的研究以影响政策这一观念仍然存在争议。有些人强烈认为研究不应受到决策者的要求的限制和指导。他们认为,只要不受束缚并自由地遵循自己的方向,就可以完成更多的工作。但是,为政策制定者的利益和社会需求提供研究同样是合法的。尤其是,一些药物研究人员抱怨他们对药物政策的影响力不足,认为如果他们的研究结果在决策中更加重要,政策将会得到改善。经过漫长而艰苦的谈判,2003年5月3日的比利时法律批准了事实上减少对大麻拥有作私人使用的政策建议。在欧洲各国朝着更宽容的政策演变的过程中,必须考虑对新规定的讨论。关于二十一世纪初的大麻拥有(例如瑞士,西班牙,英国)。在我的研究中,我旨在了解“证据”在比利时大麻法律改革的发展中是如何使用的,以及哪些因素在起作用。 2003年《大麻法》的制定是基于(科学的)投入还是所谓的“基于证据的”?广泛的学术成果使用多种方法和分析框架,试图对知识(或研究)利用类别和策略进行系统化。大多数作者持实证主义观点,认为知识与政策之间的关系是线性的,直接的或解决问题的,在一定程度上是可预测的。科学探究被视为核心知识生产过程。我遵循一种批判的,建构主义的方法,假设社会现实是通过(有能力的)人与“第三社区”(例如媒体,利益集团)之间的行动和互动来产生和再现的。本演讲将报告我在开发(和测试)我的方法框架时应考虑的因素。我可以使用现有框架来理解我的重点吗?有可能衡量研究利用度吗? “基于证据”是什么意思?哪种定性或定量方法最合适?在批判性地应对这些挑战时,我将讨论我所学到的一些经验教训,以便对研究政策建立更加“现实”的理解。

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    Tieberghien Julie;

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  • 年度 2011
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