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China and Japan in the Asia-Pacific regional economic cooperation: Indigenous major powers and international regime formation.

机译:中日在亚太地区的经济合作中:本土大国与国际制度的形成。

摘要

International regime theory assume s the hegemon's willingness and capability to be the necessary and sufficient conditions for creating regimes. The larger the power disparity between the hegemon and the subordinate countries, the better the conditions for regime formation will be. But in Asia-Pacific, regime formation has gained momentum since the U.S. hegemonic power began to decline. How do we explain the "anomaly" in Asia-Pacific cooperation? What distinct patterns of regime dynamics have demonstrated in this region? My central assumptions are first, Asia-Pacific regional cooperation is, to a great extent, determined by the respective postures of China and Japan as well as the nature of their bilateral relations; second, regime dynamics in this region can be better captured from the perspective of these two Asian indigenous major powers. I draw upon regime theory, constructivist arguments, and aspects of the traditional Chinese-dominated East Asian order to devise the theoretical frameworks for this study. These theoretical frameworks enable us to capture the fluidity and complexity that have characterized the process of Asia-Pacific regime creation. We find that China's great leap outward has facilitated an ideational change, bringing China closer to the rules, norms, and principles of regional economic regime. Yet China's cognitive support have been mixed and it has refrained from committing to any fora of regional cooperation. Similarly, Japan has adopted a minimalist approach to regional cooperation. Uncertainties and mixed feelings characterize Sino-Japanese relations. China and Japan have not formed and are unlikely to form a political partnership to forge an exclusively Asian bloc, nor have their bilateral relations evolved or are likely to evolve toward confrontation to effect the collapse of regional cooperation. Finally, I summarize how patterns of regime dynamics in Asia-Pacific can be identified and assessed by focusing on the category of the two Asian powers. I conclude that the embedded liberalism defining European-Atlantic regimes could never hold in Asia-Pacific. Regime dynamics in Asia-Pacific have proceeded and will continue to evolve in a fashion that reflects the distinctive power and cultural reality in this world arena.
机译:国际制度理论假定霸权的意愿和能力是建立制度的必要和充分条件。霸权国家与下属国家之间的权力差距越大,形成政权的条件就越好。但在亚太地区,自美国霸权势力开始下降以来,政权形成势头增强。我们如何解释亚太合作中的“异常”?在该地区表现出哪些不同的政权动态模式?我的中心假设是,首先,亚太区域合作在很大程度上取决于中日两国的立场以及两国关系的性质。第二,从这两个亚洲土著大国的角度可以更好地把握该地区的政权动态。我借鉴了政权理论,建构主义的论点以及传统的以中国为主体的东亚秩序的各个方面,为这项研究设计了理论框架。这些理论框架使我们能够捕捉到表征亚太体制建立过程的流动性和复杂性。我们发现,中国的巨大飞跃促进了观念上的变化,使中国更加接近区域经济体制的规则,规范和原则。然而,中国的认知支持参差不齐,它没有致力于任何区域合作的论坛。同样,日本对区域合作采取了最低限度的方针。中日关系的特点是不确定性和复杂感。中国和日本尚未建立,也不太可能建立政治伙伴关系以建立一个纯粹的亚洲集团,它们的双边关系也没有发展或可能发展为对抗而导致区域合作崩溃。最后,我总结了如何通过关注两个亚洲大国的类别来确定和评估亚太地区政权动态的模式。我得出的结论是,定义欧洲-大西洋政权的内在自由主义在亚太地区永远不会成立。亚太地区的政权动态已经发展并将继续以反映这一世界舞台上独特的力量和文化现实的方式发展。

著录项

  • 作者

    Deng Yong.;

  • 作者单位
  • 年度 1995
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  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 en
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