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(Dis)Unity in the UN Security Council: Voting Patterns in the UN's Peace and Security Organ

机译:联合国安理会的(Dis)团结:联合国和平与安全机构的投票方式

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摘要

The conventional wisdom is that the international system in the Cold War was defined by the struggle between East and West. While this was certainly the case, voting patterns in the UN Security Council present a more nuanced picture. Counterintuitively, France, the United Kingdom and the United States---three of the five permanent members of the Security Council (the Permanent 3 or P3) and members of the NATO alliance---voted apart on Council resolutions far more frequently in the Cold War, when they faced the common threat of the Soviet Union, than in the post-Cold War era. This dissertation observes that they were frequently divided on issues related to colonialism and Israel/Palestine, among other matters. It argues that the voting differences among them largely had to do with the way the Council functioned, as negotiating processes were underdeveloped and assertive Council members from the Non-aligned Movement (NAM) often proposed draft resolutions which made bold political statements but had little chance of being adopted. As the Cold War ended, however, the permanent members---the P3, as well as Russia and China---gained a newfound appreciation for the potential of a Security Council unhindered by significant East-West tensions. They sought to consolidate their control of the Council's work. In part because of the perception expressed by permanent and elected members alike that a unified Council is a more effective one, voting unanimity has been achieved on nearly 92 percent of adopted resolutions since 1992. The dissertation further maintains that the NAM has lost its unity and political clout in the post-Cold War, with its members (or for that matter, any other group of members in the Council) less likely to propose draft resolutions destined to be vetoed. At the same time, it posits that the elected members (the Elected 10 or E10), in spite of the differing views among them, at times play a constructive role in the Council's work, including by building bridges among the permanent members when they are divided.
机译:传统观点认为,冷战中的国际体系是由东西方之间的斗争来定义的。虽然确实如此,但联合国安理会的投票方式却呈现出更加细微的差别。违反直觉的是,法国,英国和美国-安全理事会五个常任理事国中的三个(常任理事国3或P3)和北约联盟成员-在安理会决议中更频繁地投票反对安理会冷战时期,当他们面对苏联的共同威胁时,要比后冷战时期大。本文发现,在殖民主义和以色列/巴勒斯坦等问题上,它们经常存在分歧。它辩称,它们之间的投票分歧很大程度上与安理会的运作方式有关,因为谈判进程不发达,不结盟运动(NAM)自信的安理会成员经常提出决议草案,该决议草案发表了大胆的政治声明,但机会很小被采纳。然而,随着冷战的结束,P3以及俄罗斯和中国的常任理事国对安全理事会的潜力获得了新的认识,而安理会的潜力却不受东西方紧张局势的阻碍。他们试图巩固对安理会工作的控制。在一定程度上,由于常任理事国和民选议员均表示,统一理事会是一个更有效的理事会,自1992年以来,已对近92%的已通过决议达成了表决一致意见。论文进一步坚持认为,不结盟运动已经失去了统一性,冷战后的政治影响力,其成员(或就此而言,安理会中任何其他成员组)提出提议注定要否决的决议草案的可能性较小。同时,它假定民选成员(当选成员10或E10)尽管意见分歧,但有时仍在安理会的工作中发挥建设性作用,包括在常任理事国之间建立桥梁分为。

著录项

  • 作者

    Romita, Paul.;

  • 作者单位

    City University of New York.;

  • 授予单位 City University of New York.;
  • 学科 International relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2018
  • 页码 247 p.
  • 总页数 247
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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