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The third wave of democratization: Consolidation of nominal democracy.

机译:民主化的第三次浪潮:巩固名义民主。

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摘要

The topic of the dissertation is the third wave of democratization: Authoritarian regimes on earth around 1975 mostly gave way to democratic regimes by 2000. How did it happen? Why did democracies massively emerge even in the poorest countries where democracy was least expected? Why did global democracy increase in number but decline in quality? I inquire what factors promoted the third wave in what manners.;To answer the question, I employ a mixed-methods approach, taking a sequential design of quantitative-to-qualitative methods. Event history analysis is conducted to test the factors of democratic transitions. Alternative theories are proposed based on the results and further tested through comparative historical analysis of South Korea and Nigeria.;Employing elite conflict framework, those proposed theories focus on ruling elite's roles in promoting democratic transition. Importantly, democratic transition in the third wave rarely meant realizing true democracy, but usually meant ruler's adopting multi-party election to claim democracy. The latter is defined as nominal democratization..;My main argument is that elite-driven democratizations are responsible for the rapid but nominal democratizations of many less-developed countries in the third wave. As less-developed countries were faced with political legitimacy crises due to poor economic performance, ruling elite chose democratic transition as a means of appeasing the people, but did so nominally so that they would not lose much. Also, ruling elite of less-developed countries chose democratic transition to appeal to international financial donors and attract more capital for industrialization than nearby competitors.;Two important factors emerged from the case studies of South Korea and Nigeria. First, the legacies of democratic institutions kept promoting nominal democratization. The legacies were born as the United States and the British Empire installed the initial governments of post-independence Korea and Nigeria and filled them with those who were docile to great powers but failed their nationals. The legacies were further entrenched, as those unrepresentative elites consolidated their power. Second, because of different structures of the ruling elites in both countries, they employed different strategies for competing with one another and pacifying the people, but eventually converged to nominal democratization and stabilized their collective interest.
机译:论文的主题是第三次民主化浪​​潮:1975年左右,地球上的威权政权在2000年之前大部分被民主政权所取代。它是如何发生的?为什么即使在民主期望最差的最贫穷国家中,民主政体仍会大量出现?为什么全球民主的人数增加但质量下降?我想知道哪些因素以何种方式促进了第三次浪潮。要回答这个问题,我采用了一种混合方法方法,并进行了定量到定性方法的顺序设计。进行事件历史分析以测试民主过渡的因素。基于这些结果,提出了其他理论,并通过对韩国和尼日利亚的历史比较进行了进一步的检验。;这些理论都采用精英冲突框架,着眼于统治精英在促进民主过渡中的作用。重要的是,第三波民主过渡很少意味着实现真正的民主,但通常意味着统治者采用多党选举来主张民主。后者被定义为名义民主化。我的主要观点是,在第三波浪潮中,由精英驱动的民主化导致了许多欠发达国家的迅速但名义上的民主化。由于欠发达的国家由于经济表现不佳而面临政治合法性危机,统治精英选择民主过渡作为取悦人民的手段,但名义上这样做是为了使他们不会损失太多。此外,欠发达国家的统治精英选择了民主过渡来吸引国际金融捐助者,并吸引了比附近竞争者更多的资本进行工业化。;两个重要因素来自韩国和尼日利亚的案例研究。首先,民主制度的遗产不断促进名义民主化。这些遗产诞生于美国和大英帝国成立独立后的朝鲜和尼日利亚最初的政府,并向他们灌输了向大国屈服但国民失败的政权。随着那些没有代表性的精英巩固了自己的权力,这些遗产进一步根深蒂固。其次,由于两国统治精英的结构不同,他们采用了不同的策略互相竞争并安抚人民,但最终趋于名义民主化并稳定了他们的集体利益。

著录项

  • 作者

    Chung, Rakkoo.;

  • 作者单位

    State University of New York at Albany.;

  • 授予单位 State University of New York at Albany.;
  • 学科 Sociology.;Political science.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2015
  • 页码 362 p.
  • 总页数 362
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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