首页> 外文学位 >The United States and the end of slavery in the Philippines, 1898-1914: A study of imperialism, ideology, and nationalism. (Volumes I and II).
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The United States and the end of slavery in the Philippines, 1898-1914: A study of imperialism, ideology, and nationalism. (Volumes I and II).

机译:美国与菲律宾奴隶制的终结,1898-1914年:对帝国主义,意识形态和民族主义的研究。 (第一和第二卷)。

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摘要

The complex relationship between anti-slavery ideology, United States colonialism, and Philippine nationalism is the subject of this dissertation. By 1896, slavery had come to symbolize the state of being colonized for the Christian Filipinos who rose in revolution against Spain. In the United States, the early debates about colonial rule were cast in terms of slavery even before Americans learned that slavery existed as an institution in the Moro (Muslim) societies of the Southern Philippines, and among some of the so-called Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon. At first, anti-slavery ideology supplied a vocabulary that American anti-imperialists used to attack colonial rule as a violation of Filipinos' rights and a threat to corrupt the United States as a republic. However, the political implications of anti-slavery beliefs changed dramatically. From an embarrassment to a United States colonial regime initially reluctant to act against slavery in the Southern Philippines, slavery became an issue increasingly embarrassing to Filipino nationalists and their North American allies.;Anti-slavery ideology became deeply implicated in the rationalization and legitimation of colonial rule by forming a terrain that contained the potential for conflict over colonial bondage and liberation, in both literal and metaphoric senses. It also helped to shape a positive disciplinary structure that defined elite Philippine nationalism in symbiosis with progressive United States colonialism. This was manifest in the national elite's defense of indigenous hierarchies of ethnicity and class, and its complicity in the colonial state's use of forced labor. Forced labor was designed not only to provide labor, but also to rehabilitate groups classified as "uncivilized" or criminal. This classification paralleled the definition of colonial hierarchy, just as the rehabilitative functions of forced labor (especially in prisons) followed the colonial concern for internalized discipline as a prerequisite for "self-government." In this way, my work draws on David Brion Davis' interpretation of anti-slavery as a hegemonic ideology and Michel Foucault's insights on reformative asylums in order to rewrite the history of United States imperialism in the Philippines.
机译:反奴隶制思想,美国殖民主义和菲律宾民族主义之间的复杂关系是本文的主题。到1896年,奴隶制已经象征着在反抗西班牙的革命中崛起的基督教菲律宾人被殖民的状态。在美国,关于殖民统治的早期辩论是在奴隶制方面进行的,甚至在美国人得知奴隶制作为菲律宾南部摩洛(穆斯林)社会以及一些所谓的非基督教徒的一个机构存在之前。北部吕宋部落。起初,反奴隶制意识形态提供了一个词汇,即美国反帝国主义者过去曾用来攻击殖民统治,这是对菲律宾人权利的侵犯,是对美国作为共和国的腐败的威胁。但是,反奴隶制信仰的政治含义发生了巨大变化。从尴尬到最初不愿对菲律宾南部的奴隶制采取行动的美国殖民政权,奴隶制已成为菲律宾民族主义者及其北美盟国日益尴尬的问题。反奴隶制意识形态与殖民主义的合理化和合法化息息相关。通过形成一个在字面意义和隐喻意义上都包含潜在的殖民束缚和解放冲突冲突的地形来统治世界。它还有助于形成积极的学科结构,从而将菲律宾民族主义精英与共进的美国殖民主义共生。这体现在民族精英对族裔和阶级的土著等级制度的辩护,以及它在殖民地国家使用强迫劳动中的同谋。强迫劳动的目的不仅在于提供劳动,还在于使被归类为“未文明”或犯罪分子的群体康复。这种分类与殖民地等级制度的定义相类似,就像强迫劳动的恢复功能(特别是在监狱中)遵循殖民地关注内部化纪律作为“自治”的先决条件一样。这样,我的工作就借鉴了大卫·布赖恩·戴维斯(David Brion Davis)对反奴隶制作为霸权意识形态的解释,以及米歇尔·福柯(Michel Foucault)对改革性庇护所的见解,以重写美国在菲律宾的帝国主义历史。

著录项

  • 作者

    Salman, Michael.;

  • 作者单位

    Stanford University.;

  • 授予单位 Stanford University.;
  • 学科 History Asia Australia and Oceania.;History General.;History United States.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1993
  • 页码 658 p.
  • 总页数 658
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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