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Negotiating national identity: The case of the Arab states of North Africa.

机译:谈判民族认同:北非阿拉伯国家的情况。

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摘要

The main objective of this dissertation is to show that the development of a polity can be explained through the study of the emergence of national identity not only as the product of elites' conscious actions, but as the outcome of negotiations (or lack thereof) between opposing visions within the elites at the national movement stage and subsequently at key historical moments.; The hypothesis that the study test is first, that the stability of a country in the medium to long term can be explained by the realization, at some moments in its history, of broad based, effective negotiation of national identity values and beliefs between the various components of a polity's elite; secondly, that on the other hand, the lack of negotiations and the imposition of only one vision to the detriment of all the others, is at the basis of the identity crisis in which some states find themselves at a later period of their political development.; The originality of employing negotiation theory and perspective to the issue of national identity formation allows for a better understanding of how, why, and when elites reach a definition of national identity. In other words, the main focus of this dissertation is on why in certain countries elites decide to negotiate identity with or between competing elites while in others they do not, how these negotiations are carried out, when elites carry them out, and what the consequences are of the outcome of these negotiations (or lack thereof) for the politics of identity.; The findings of this study, obtained through the analysis of four cases constituted by the development of the four North African countries of Algeria, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia, show that those countries like Morocco, where the monarchy was able to craft an identity formula with the cooperation of the various elites of the country obtained through a continuous process of negotiations, enjoy greater stability and are free of basic identity crises throughout their socio-political development. On the contrary, those countries, such as Algeria and Tunisia, where a modernizing faction of the elite imposed its vision upon all the others, at some point suffer a deep identity crisis seen in the often violent re-emergence of those identity visions previously repressed.; Libya is a case that exemplifies both positions since the succesful negotiations undertaken at the time of independence were later rejected by a faction within the elite creating an identity crisis that was then exacerbated by the erratic identity politics of the successive military regime.
机译:本论文的主要目的是表明,通过研究民族认同的出现,不仅可以解释精英政治的发展,而且不仅可以理解为精英意识活动的产物,而且可以作为国家之间谈判(或缺乏谈判)的结果。在民族运动阶段以及随后的关键历史时刻,精英内部的反对观点是相反的;假设研究检验是首先的,那么一个国家在中长期内的稳定性可以通过在其历史上的某个时刻实现对各个民族之间的民族认同价值和信念进行广泛,有效的谈判来解释。政治精英的组成部分;第二,另一方面,缺乏谈判和只施加一种看法不利于其他所有看法,是身份认同危机的基础,有些国家在其政治发展的后期发现自己。 ;在国家认同形成问题上采用谈判理论和观点的独创性可以更好地理解精英如何,为什么以及何时达到国家认同的定义。换句话说,本论文的主要重点在于为什么某些国家的精英决定与竞争的精英或在竞争的精英之间进行身份协商,而在另一些国家则不这样做,这些谈判如何进行,什么时候进行,以及后果如何?这些协商(或缺乏协商)是出于身份政治的结果;通过分析由阿尔及利亚,利比亚,摩洛哥和突尼斯这四个北非国家发展而来的四个案例所获得的本研究结果表明,像摩洛哥这样的国家,君主制能够制定出一个身份公式。在经过不断谈判的过程中得到了该国各精英的合作,享有更大的稳定性,并且在整个社会政治发展中都没有基本的身份危机。相反,像阿尔及利亚和突尼斯这样的国家,现代化的精英派别将其愿景强加于所有其他国家,在某些时候遭受了深刻的身份危机,这种危机以前经常被压制,这些暴力往往重新出现。 。;利比亚的情况说明了这两个立场,因为独立时进行的成功谈判后来被精英内部的一个派系拒绝,造成了身份危机,随后的接任军事政权不稳定的身份政治加剧了这一危机。

著录项

  • 作者

    Mezran, Karim K.;

  • 作者单位

    The Johns Hopkins University.;

  • 授予单位 The Johns Hopkins University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.; Political Science International Law and Relations.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2002
  • 页码 328 p.
  • 总页数 328
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;国际法;
  • 关键词

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