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Criminal Resistance? The Politics of Kidnapping of Oil Workers in Nigeria.

机译:刑事抵抗?尼日利亚石油工人的绑架政治。

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摘要

Militias specializing in kidnapping oil workers and vandalizing oil infrastructure purportedly as a form of protest against marginalization by the state and transnational oil corporations are rife in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. This study interrogates the interstitial space between legitimate protest and criminal expropriation in that region.;The data for this project draws upon extensive fieldwork in Nigeria. This includes interviews and focus group discussions with six sets of actors, including community groups, politicians, military officials and insurgents. I also analyze official statements from the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), the group allegedly spearheading these kidnappings. This data provides insights into how MEND seeks to frame the insurgency as a form of protest.;My analysis demonstrates that impression management pervades kidnapping episodes. The major concern of the Nigerian state is to provide an atmosphere that is sufficiently safe for oil extraction while several insurgent commanders have succeeded in inventing an alternative political structure for accessing the conventional structures of society. For others, kidnapping is a dangerous but innovative means of livelihood in a perpetually depressed economy. While the insurgency generates harms for the oil-producing communities, it also creates benefits for some participants. The diffusion of opportunities for self-enrichment among institutional and non-institutional actors suggests that kidnapping in the Delta occasionally serves a public good. The combined actions of those who support the existing order alongside the (often violent) challengers has resulted in a synthetic statics which both paradoxically harms and benefits all parties.;Insurgents seek to portray the situation in the Niger Delta as a form of war and oil workers as enemy combatants. This metaphor of war is used to frame their violent actions as a form of justifiable repertoire of protest.
机译:据称,专门针对绑架石油工人和破坏石油基础设施的民兵在尼日利亚的尼日尔三角洲地区盛行,以抗议国家和跨国石油公司的边缘化。这项研究调查了该地区合法抗议与没收犯罪之间的间隙空间。该项目的数据取材于尼日利亚的广泛实地调查。这包括对六组参与者的访谈和焦点小组讨论,其中包括社区团体,政客,军事官员和叛乱分子。我还分析了尼日尔三角洲解放运动(MEND)的官方声明,据称该组织是绑架者。这些数据提供了有关MEND如何试图将叛乱组织为抗议形式的见解。我的分析表明,印象管理充斥着绑架事件。尼日利亚政府的主要关切是要提供一种足以开采石油的安全气氛,同时几名叛乱指挥官已成功发明了一种替代性的政治结构,以进入传统的社会结构。对于其他人来说,绑架是在经济持续低迷时期的一种危险但创新的谋生手段。叛乱活动虽然对产油社区造成伤害,但也为一些参与者带来了好处。机构和非机构参与者之间自我充实的机会分散,这表明在三角洲地区的绑架有时有益于公共利益。支持现有秩序的人们与(通常是暴力的)挑战者一起采取的联合行动,产生了一种综合性的静力学,既矛盾又损害了各方利益,使各方受益。;叛乱分子试图将尼日尔三角洲的局势描绘成战争和石油的一种形式工人作为敌方战斗人员。这种战争的比喻被用来将他们的暴力行动构成一种合理的抗议方式。

著录项

  • 作者

    Oriola, Temitope Babatunde.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Alberta (Canada).;

  • 授予单位 University of Alberta (Canada).;
  • 学科 Sociology Criminology and Penology.;Sub Saharan Africa Studies.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2011
  • 页码 347 p.
  • 总页数 347
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 老年病学;
  • 关键词

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