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Clause-Internal Preposing in Late Archaic Chinese

机译:晚古汉语中的句内介词

摘要

In this thesis I investigate the preverbal positioning of wh and non-wh-phrases in Late Archaic Chinese (LAC) and the Intervention Effect (Beck 1996a). I first explore non-wh-fronting and discover two landing sites for preposed DPs. Non-wh-objects fronted to the higher position in the left periphery are consistent with a topical interpretation, yet those moved to the lower position between the subject and negation are consistent with a focal interpretation. In the context of negation, pronouns normally move to negation and target a position exclusively for them.udI then discuss two types of wh-preposing in LAC. D-linked which-phrases in LAC are topical, therefore they appear in an internal topic position. With respect to non-D-linked wh-DPs, they target one of the two focused positions in the medial domain, either between the internal topic position and negation or between negation and vP. The higher focus position above negation is expected to exclusively permit wh-phrases base-generated above negation, and the lower focused position below negation accommodates wh-adverbials base-generated between negation and vP. I also propose that the inverted order of wh-P is generated via PP inversion followed by separate preposing of wh and P.udI finally explore the Intervention Effect. Negation, rather than focus or quantificational phrases, functions as a barrier for the Q-binding of wh-phrases in LAC. Wh-items that have the option to stay in-situ, along with wh-arguments and adverbials that usually move to the lower focus position below negation, are subject to the Intervention Effect caused by negation. As a consequence, these wh-phrases have to land in the higher focus position above negation which is expected to accommodate ‘high’ adverbials exclusively. I propose that the Intervention Effect in LAC is a consequence of Q-binding as feature movement of [wh], interacting with fronting into the hierarchy of clause-internal positions driven by [Topic] or [Focus] features.
机译:在这篇论文中,我研究了古代汉语(LAC)中wh和非wh短语的谚语定位以及干预效果(Beck 1996a)。我首先探索非wh前沿,并发现两个预定DP的着陆点。左边缘前面较高位置的非wh对象与主题解释一致,而对象与否定之间移动到较低位置的非wh对象则与焦点解释一致。在否定语境中,代词通常会移至否定语,并专门为他们定一个位置。 udI然后讨论了LAC中的两种类型的wh介词。 LAC中的D链接短语是主题性的,因此它们出现在内部主题位置。关于非D连接的wh-DP,它们靶向内侧结构域中两个聚焦位置之一,在内部主题位置和否定之间或在否定和vP之间。否定点上方较高的焦点位置预计将专门允许在否定上方通过基本生成的wh词组,而在否定下方的较低焦点位置则容纳在否定和vP之间基本生成的wh副词。我还建议,先通过PP倒置生成wh-P的倒序,然后再分别置位wh和P。 udI最后探讨干预效果。否定词而非重点词或定量词组,是LAC中whi短语Q结合的障碍。可以选择留在原处的wh项以及通常会在否定下移至较低焦点位置的wh引数和副词会受到否定引起的干预效应的影响。结果,这些短语必须落在否定之上的更高焦点位置,这将专门容纳“高级”副词。我认为,LAC中的干预效应是[wh]的特征运动中Q绑定的结果,它与由[Topic]或[Focus]特征驱动的子句内部位置层次结构中的前沿交互。

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    Wang Aiqing;

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  • 年度 2016
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