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All the president's conservatives : Richard Nixon and the American conservative movement.

机译:总统的所有保守派人士:理查德·尼克松和美国保守派运动。

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摘要

This doctoral dissertation examines the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies of literature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-l945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review' conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the 'Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transformation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force. In the process, conservatives consciously and successfully used Nixon in their quest to gain acceptance as the legitimate sparring partners of the liberalism that had hitherto dominated post-1945 American politics. This doctoral dissertation examines the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies of literature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-l945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review' conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the 'Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transfonnation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force. In the process, conservatives consciously and successfully used Nixon in their quest to gain acceptance as the legitimate sparring partners of the liberalism that had hitherto dominated post-1945 American politics.
机译:这篇博士论文研究了1940年代后期与水门丑闻之间的美国保守运动与理查德·尼克松之间的关系,并特别强调了后者的任期。它补充了有关尼克松本人和美国保守主义的大量文献资料,为前者在1945年后自由主义共识崩溃中的作用提供了新的解释。本文强调了尼克松在美国保守主义缓慢发展中所扮演的角色,从战后初期的政治边缘到1960年代后期的国家政治中心。美国保守派运动被视为由六个不同的子群体组成的多元化的认知社区-国家评论的保守派,南方保守派,古典自由派,新保守派,美国企业研究所的保守派和新权利的“年轻土耳其人”,尽管在哲学和行为上是自主的,但在《国家评论》的知识分子的全面领导下仍然紧密相关。尽管近三十年来,理查德·尼克松和美国保守派在相互挫折但看似坚不可摧的关系中相互忍受,但尼克松从未成为该运动的正式成员。然而,从阿尔格·希斯(Alger Hiss)时代到“沉默的多数”时代,他仍然是最能表达和操纵保守派经典到民粹主义,选举成功的信息的政治演员。在担任总统期间,政府的行为在保守派运动瞬间转变为更多样化,组织更好,现代化和更有效率的政治力量中起着至关重要的作用,即使不是总是故意的。在此过程中,保守派自觉并成功地利用了尼克松,以争取成为自由主义的合法陪伴伙伴,而自由主义迄今为止一直主导着1945年后的美国政治。这篇博士论文研究了1940年代后期与水门丑闻之间的美国保守运动与理查德·尼克松之间的关系,并特别强调了后者的任期。它补充了有关尼克松本人和美国保守主义的大量文献资料,为前者在1945年后自由主义共识崩溃中的作用提供了新的解释。本文强调了尼克松在美国保守主义缓慢发展中所扮演的角色,从战后初期的政治边缘到1960年代后期的国家政治中心。美国保守派运动被视为由六个不同的子群体组成的多元化的认知社区-国家评论的保守派,南方保守派,古典自由派,新保守派,美国企业研究所的保守派和新权利的“年轻土耳其人”,尽管在哲学和行为上是自主的,但在《国家评论》的知识分子的全面领导下仍然紧密相关。尽管近三十年来,理查德·尼克松和美国保守派在相互挫折但看似坚不可摧的关系中相互忍受,但尼克松从未成为该运动的正式成员。然而,从阿尔格·希斯(Alger Hiss)时代到“沉默的多数”时代,他仍然是最能表达和操纵保守派经典到民粹主义,选举成功的信息的政治演员。在担任总统期间,政府的行为在保守派运动瞬间转变为更多样化,组织更好,现代化和更有效的政治力量中起着至关重要的作用,即使不是总是故意的。在此过程中,保守派自觉并成功地利用了尼克松,以争取成为自由主义的合法陪伴伙伴,而自由主义迄今一直主导着1945年后的美国政治。

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    Rodríguez David Sarias;

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  • 年度 2011
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