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The political economy of conflict between indigenous communities and dominant societies: adivasis, Maoist insurgents and the state in the central Indian tribal belt

机译:土著社区与主要社会之间的冲突的政治经济学:阿迪瓦斯,毛派叛乱分子和印度中部部落地区的国家

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摘要

This thesis aims to understand the political sociology of Maoist insurgency in India using a combination of disaggregated statistics and qualitative data. The vast majority of insurgent leaders are from dominant or upper caste, middle class backgrounds. Their participation in the insurgency can be understood in terms of ideology and short-term processes of mobilization. The Maoist insurgents provide a unified organizational structure for two separate sections of society. On the one hand, are untouchable or dalit landless laborers who suffer economic exploitation at the hands of higher caste landowners. On the hand are tribal or adivasi landowning cultivators whose relative autonomy has come under increasing pressure over the past two centuries as the state has established control over natural resources in their area. Their support for the insurgents does not just manifest itself from exploited untouchables’ and oppressed tribals’ positions in the social structure as structural theories would assume. Rather, the insurgents provide them with collective incentives in order to encourage their support. The actors at the macro and micro levels have very different reasons for participating in the insurgency. The insurgent leaders aim to capture state power through a Protracted People’s War, while the objectives of supporters at the micro-level tend to be more concerned with local and short-term issues. The insurgency should be conceptualised as a state building enterprise in which the interests of supporters at all levels are served by seizing local political power and the building of a base area. The thesis demonstrates that the insurgency is expanding most rapidly in the central Indian tribal belt. I use a case study to show that not all tribal communities support the insurgents. Some oppose them, either because their interests have been harmed by the presence of the insurgents, or as a result of a variety of endogenous mechanisms. This indicates that insurgency is a more dynamic and complex process than structural and rational actor theories allow for. The thesis finishes by placing the subject of indigenous communities and insurgency in the global context. It demonstrates that, while so-called indigenous communities listed by the Minorities at Risk project amount to 4.8% of the world’s population, they were involved in 43% of the intra-state conflict years listed by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program Armed Conflict Dataset between 1946 and 2010.
机译:本文旨在通过分类统计和定性数据的结合来理解印度毛派叛乱的政治社会学。绝大多数叛乱领导人来自占统治地位或上等阶级的中产阶级背景。他们的意识形态和短期动员过程可以理解他们参与叛乱。毛派叛乱分子为社会的两个不同部门提供了统一的组织结构。一方面,是无动于衷或无助的无地劳动者,他们在种姓较高的土地所有者的手中遭受经济剥削。一方面是部落或adivasi地主的耕种者,在过去的两个世纪中,随着国家对本地区自然资源的控制,他们的相对自治受到越来越大的压力。他们对叛乱分子的支持不仅体现在结构理论假设的情况下,还体现在被剥削的贱民和被压迫部落在社会结构中的地位。相反,叛乱分子为他们提供集体激励措施,以鼓励他们的支持。宏观和微观层面上的参与者参与叛乱的原因截然不同。叛乱领导人的目的是通过持久的人民战争夺取国家政权,而微观层面的支持者的目标往往更关注本地和短期问题。应将叛乱活动概念化为国家建设企业,通过夺取当地政权和建立基地地区来维护各级支持者的利益。论文表明,叛乱在印度中部部落带扩张最快。我用一个案例研究表明,并非所有部落社区都支持叛乱分子。有些人反对他们,要么是因为叛乱分子的存在损害了他们的利益,要么是由于各种内生机制造成的。这表明,叛乱是比结构和理性行为者理论所允许的更加动态和复杂的过程。本文以全球背景下的土著社区和叛乱为主题而结束。它表明,尽管“处于危险中的少数群体”项目列出的所谓土著社区占世界人口的4.8%,但他们参与了Uppsala冲突数据计划武装冲突数据集列出的州内冲突年的43%, 1946年和2010年。

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    Kennedy Jonathan;

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  • 年度 2013
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