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Legal control of international terrorism: a policy-oriented assessment

机译:国际恐怖主义的法律控制:政策导向评估

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"Terrorism" is a value-laden term. Consequently, it means different things to different people, a characteristic that perhaps is best expressed in the saying, "What is terrorism to some is heroism to others," and has never been satisfactorily defined. Yet the phenomenon is as old as history, even as its manifestations have changed as a result of new technology. Both state and non-state actors have resorted to the same approaches in terrorizing civilian populations, while using different weapons and techniques. For both, the goals of terror-violence are political. However, where non-state actors are often ideologically motivated, state actors, soldiers and police personnel who are either conscripts or persons seeking a career or temporary job in these bodies, are usually not. The need for a comprehensive convention on terrorism that is, as much as possible, value-neutral, encompassing all actors, and covering all modalities and techniques of terror-violence, is self-evident. Such a convention, though, has been politically elusive. Governments understandably seek to exclude state actors from the definition of terrorism, and reject the notion that a causal connection even exists between state-sponsored acts of terror-violence and terror-violence committed by non-state actors. Since governments inevitably prevail in the international arena, the definition of terrorism has been limited to encompass unlawful conduct by non-state actors. Even with respect to this confined definition, however, governments have avoided developing an international legal regime to prevent, control, and suppress terrorism, preferring instead the hodgepodge of thirteen treaties that currently address its particular manifestations. The absence of a coherent international legislative policy on terrorism is consistent with the ad hoc and discretionary approach that governments have taken toward the development of effective international legal responses to terrorism. Thus, international legal norms governing terrorism rest essentially on the identification of certain types of conduct or means employed. To date, there is no international initiative to systematize, update, integrate, or even harmonize these international norms. Interstate cooperation in penal matters is also limited due to this lack of a coherent and cohesive international legal regime. National legal systems are therefore left with whatever jurisdictional and resource means they have at their disposal, making them ineffective in dealing with terrorism's international manifestations.
机译:“恐怖主义”是一个充满价值的术语。因此,它对不同的人意味着不同的事情,这一特征最好用“对某些人来说是恐怖主义对其他人来说是英雄主义”这一说法来表达,而且从来没有令人满意地定义过。然而,这种现象与历史一样古老,即使它的表现由于新技术而发生了变化。国家和非国家行为者在使用不同的武器和技术对平民人口进行恐吓时都采用了相同的方法。对于这两个国家,恐怖暴力的目标都是政治性的。但是,在非国家行为者通常出于意识形态动机的情况下,通常不是应征者或在这些机构中寻求职业或临时工作的人的国家行为者,士兵和警察。不言而喻的是,需要有一项全面的恐怖主义公约,该公约应尽可能地保持价值中立,涵盖所有行为者,并涵盖所有形式的恐怖主义暴力行为和手段。但是,这种惯例在政治上难以捉摸。可以理解的是,各国政府试图将国家行为者排除在恐怖主义的定义之外,并拒绝认为国家支持的恐怖暴力行为与非国家行为者实施的恐怖暴力之间甚至存在因果关系这一观念。由于各国政府不可避免地在国际舞台上占上风,因此对恐怖主义的定义仅限于涵盖非国家行为者的非法行为。但是,即使就这一限定性定义而言,各国政府也避免建立预防,控制和制止恐怖主义的国际法律制度,而宁愿选择目前针对其特定表现的十三项条约的大杂烩。缺乏针对恐怖主义的协调一致的国际立法政策,与各国政府为发展对恐怖主义的有效国际法律对策所采取的临时和酌情处理方法相一致。因此,关于恐怖主义的国际法律规范基本上取决于对所采取的某些类型的行为或手段的识别。迄今为止,还没有国际上的倡议来系统化,更新,整合甚至协调这些国际准则。由于缺乏协调一致的国际法律制度,州际在刑事事项上的合作也受到限制。因此,国家法律体系将拥有一切可用的管辖权和资源,从而使其无法有效应对恐怖主义的国际表现。

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