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A theory of individual-level predicates based on blind mandatory scalar implicatures

机译:基于盲强制性标量蕴涵的个人谓词理论

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Predicates such as tall or to know Latin, which intuitively denote permanent properties, are called individual-level predicates. Many peculiar properties of this class of predicates have been noted in the literature. One such property is that we cannot say #John is sometimes tall. Here is a way to account for this property: this sentence sounds odd because it triggers the scalar implicature that the alternative John is always tall is false, which cannot be, given that, if John is sometimes tall, then he always is. This intuition faces two challenges. First: this scalar implicature has a weird nature, since it must be surprisingly robust (otherwise, it could be cancelled and the sentence rescued) and furthermore blind to the common knowledge that tallness is a permanent property (since this piece of common knowledge makes the two alternatives equivalent). Second: it is not clear how this intuition could be extended to other, more complicated properties of individual-level predicates. The goal of this paper is to defend the idea of an implicature-based theory of individual-level predicates by facing these two challenges. In the first part of the paper, I try to make sense of the weird nature of these special mismatching implicatures within the recent grammatical framework for scalar implicatures of Chierchia (Structures and beyond, 2004) and Fox (2007). In the second part of the paper, I show how this implicature-based line of reasoning can be extended to more complicated properties of individual-level predicates, such as restrictions on the interpretation of their bare plural subjects, noted in Carlson (Reference to kinds in English. Doctoral dissertation, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 1977), Milsark (Linguistic Analysis 3.1: 1–29, 1977), and Fox (Natural Language Semantics 3: 283–341, 1995); restrictions on German word order, noted in Diesing (Indefinites, 1992); and restrictions on Q-adverbs, noted in Kratzer (The Generic Book, ed. Carlson and Pelletier, 125–175, 1995).
机译:诸如高层或已知拉丁语之类的谓词直观地表示永久属性,被称为个人级别谓词。这类谓词的许多特殊特性已在文献中指出。这样的特性之一就是我们不能说#John有时很高。这是一种解释此属性的方法:该句子听起来很奇怪,因为它触发了标本含义,即替代约翰总是高个子是假的,这不能成立,因为如果约翰有时高个子,那么他总是高个子。这种直觉面临两个挑战。首先:这种标量含义具有怪异的性质,因为它必须出奇地健壮(否则,它可以被取消并且可以撤销该句子),并且进一步使公知不知道高是永久属性(因为这一常识使两个替代方案)。第二:不清楚这种直觉如何扩展到单个级别谓词的其他更复杂的属性。本文的目的是通过面对这两个挑战来捍卫基于隐含性的个人级别谓词理论的思想。在本文的第一部分中,我试图在最近的Chierchia(Structures and beyond,2004)和Fox(2007)的标量含义语法结构中理解这些特殊的不匹配含义的怪异性质。在本文的第二部分中,我将说明如何将这种基于隐含性的推理方法扩展到单个级别谓词的更复杂属性,例如在卡尔森中提到的对裸露的复数主题的解释的限制。博士学位论文,马萨诸塞大学阿默斯特分校,1977年),米尔萨克(语言分析3.1:1-29,1977年)和福克斯(自然语言语义学3:283-341年,1995年); Diesing(Indefinites,1992)中指出的德语单词顺序限制;以及对Q-副词的限制,请参见Kratzer(《通用书》,Carlson和Pelletier编辑,125-175,1995年)。

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