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On the apparent unbindability of overt third-person pronouns in Japanese

机译:日语中明显的第三人称代词不可绑定性

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Contrary to the widely held view that Japanese overt third-person pronouns such as kare and kanozyo cannot function as bound variables, it has been sporadically reported in the literature that there are cases in which they can receive a bound-variable interpretation. The present paper attempts to provide an account of why Japanese third-person pronouns can be construed as bound variables only in a subset of the contexts in which bound pronouns in English can occur. I argue that Japanese overt third-person pronouns should be analyzed as epithets, claiming that they can function as bound variables only when Condition B and the so-called anti-logophoricity constraint are simultaneously satisfied. I also claim that the apparent insensitivity of the referential use of kare/kanozyo to the anti-logophoricity constraint is attributed to the fact that Japanese (but not English) allows a structure in which a null pronoun is juxtaposed with an appositive epithet phrase.
机译:与普遍持有的观点相反,日本人公开的第三人称代词(例如,kare和kanozyo)不能作为绑定变量,在文献中偶而报道了在某些情况下它们可以接受绑定变量的解释。本文试图说明为什么日语第三人称代词只能在英语中可能出现绑定代词的上下文子集中解释为绑定变量。我认为,应该将日语公开的第三人称代词作为义称进行分析,声称它们只有在同时满足条件B和所谓的反盲目性约束时才能作为绑定变量。我还声称,kare / kanozyo的引用用法对反地名限制的明显不敏感是由于以下事实:日语(但不是英语)允许将虚构代词与一个趋同的上义短语并列的结构。

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