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The history, origin; and meaning of Nietzsche's slave revolt in morality

机译:历史,起源;尼采奴隶道德反抗的意义和意义

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While it is uncontroversial that the slave revolt in morality consists in a denial of the nobles as objects of value, Nietzsche's account in the Genealogy's first essay invites ambiguities concerning its origin, ressentiment's relationship to value creation, and its meaning. In this paper, I address these ambiguities by analyzing the morality of good and evil as an historical artifact of Judeo-Christian tradition, and I argue for a two-stage, non-strategic interpretation of the slave revolt, according to which Judaism and Christianity each made essential and different contributions. The inversion of values began with the Jewish prophets, who claimed the poor were holy and 'good' and the rich 'evil' (BGE 195), and it was sustained throughout the Second Temple period by the Jewish priests in relation to a 'priestly-noble' (GM I 7) conception of the virtuous person as holy and pure. Christ, through his espousal of egalitarianism (A 27), negated the pathos of distance essential to noble values, thus beginning the second phase of the slave revolt where goodness became associated with a distinctly slavish conception of virtue.
机译:奴隶在道德上的反叛在于否定贵族作为价值客体,这一点是无可争议的,但尼采在《家谱》第一篇论文中的叙述却引起了关于其起源,满足与价值创造的关系及其含义的歧义。在本文中,我通过分析作为犹太教-基督教传统的历史产物的善恶道德来解决这些歧义,并主张对奴隶起义进行两阶段,非战略性的解释,据此,犹太教和基督教每个人都做出了必不可少的不同贡献。价值的倒置始于犹太先知,他们声称穷人是圣洁和“善良”,而富人是“邪恶”(BGE 195),并且在整个第二圣殿时期,犹太教士一直将其与“祭司”联系起来。 -高贵”(GM I 7)将贤者视为神圣而纯洁的人。基督通过他对平等主义的拥护(A 27),否定了对崇高价值观必不可少的距离的悲哀,从而开始了奴隶起义的第二阶段,在那里善良与明显奴役的美德观念有关。

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