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Interaction between trade and environment policies with special-interest politics

机译:贸易与环境政策与特殊利益政治之间的相互作用

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Purpose – The purpose of the paper is to examine the interdependencies between trade and environment policies, as they get jointly determined in a political-economy model of a small open economy. In theoretical literature, government is usually modeled as benevolent. In real economies, however, it is not a pure social welfare maximizer. Lobbies have stakes in the specific policies, and they negotiate with/bribe the government over the latter's policy stance. The influence of industry lobbying on both trade and the environment policies at the political equilibrium is the focus of the paper. Design/methodology/approach – Concepts from non-cooperative game theory are used to incorporate a Nash-bargaining game between the industry lobby and government. Government is not benevolent. Campaign contributions help win elections and provide incentive to distort policies to attract lobby contributions. Several situations are modeled. Given a politically set environment policy, tariffs may be zero in view of the free trade agreements. Or, a sequential game is modeled where environment policy is set to maximize social welfare, given a politically determined trade policy. Alternatively, in the full political equilibrium, government and lobby bargain simultaneously over tariff and the environmental tax. Findings – Lobbying implies that government may trade-off one policy for another. When only environment policy is politically manipulable by the lobby, pollution tax is lower than the Pigouvian tax. If, instead, the lobby can influence trade policy only, government provides protection to domestic import-competing sector. In a sequential game, the trade policy outcome does not change, but pollution tax is always higher than the Pigouvian level, even with the environmental lobby absent. With both the policies political, the government “concedes” and offers positive tariff protection, but, not on environment policy; that is, imposes a pollution tax higher than the Pigouvian level. Originality/value – The paper provides useful insights into how, under the influence of special-interest politics, and bargaining between the government and lobbies, the trade and environment policies interact with each other. In comparison with the existing literature on this issue, it derives several stronger and (apparently) counter-intuitive conclusions.
机译:目的–本文的目的是研究贸易政策和环境政策之间的相互依赖性,因为它们是在小型开放经济的政治经济模型中共同确定的。在理论文献中,政府通常被塑造为仁慈的。但是,在实体经济中,它不是纯粹的社会福利最大化者。游说团体在具体政策中具有利益,他们与/贿赂政府就后者的政策立场进行谈判。在政治平衡时,行业游说对贸易和环境政策的影响是本文的重点。设计/方法/方法–非合作博弈论的概念用于在行业游说机构与政府之间纳入纳什讨价还价博弈。政府不是仁慈的。竞选捐款有助于赢得选举,并有动机扭曲政策以吸引游说捐款。对几种情况进行了建模。考虑到政治上设定的环境政策,鉴于自由贸易协定,关税可能为零。或者,在有政治上确定的贸易政策的情况下,对顺序博弈进行建模,其中将环境政策设置为最大化社会福利。或者,在充分的政治平衡中,政府和游说者同时就关税和环境税进行讨价还价。调查结果–游说意味着政府可以权衡一项政策与另一项政策。如果游说团只能在政治上操纵环境政策,那么污染税将低于庇古税。相反,如果说服者只能影响贸易政策,那么政府将为国内进口竞争部门提供保护。在连续博弈中,贸易政策的结果没有改变,但是即使没有环境游说,污染税也总是高于庇古的税率。在两项政策都具有政治性的情况下,政府“让步”并提供积极的关税保护,但不涉及环境政策。也就是说,征收的污染税要高于庇古的税率。独创性/价值–本文提供了有益的见解,以了解在特殊利益政治的影响下以及政府与游说集团之间的讨价还价中,贸易和环境政策如何相互影响。与有关该问题的现有文献相比,它得出了一些更强的(显然)违反直觉的结论。

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