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The Relationship between Syntactic Satiation and Syntactic Priming: A First Look

机译:句法满足与句法启动之间的关系:初看

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摘要

Syntactic satiation is the phenomenon where some sentences that initially seem ungrammatical appear more acceptable after repeated exposures (). We investigated satiation by manipulating two factors known to affect syntactic priming, a phenomenon where recent exposure to a grammatical structure facilitates subsequent processing of that structure (). Specifically, we manipulated (i) Proximity of exposure (number of sentences between primes and targets) and (ii) Lexical repetition (type of phrase repeated across primes and targets). Experiment 1 investigated whether acceptability ratings of Complex-NP Constraint (CNPC) and Subject islands improve as consequence of these variables. If so, priming and satiation may be linked. When primes were separated from targets by one sentence, CNPC islands’ acceptability was improved by a preceding island of the same type, but Subject islands’ acceptability was not. When prime-target pairs were separated by five sentences, we found no improvement for either island type. Experiment 2 asked whether improvements in Experiment 1 reflected online processing or offline end-of-sentence effects. We used a self-paced reading paradigm to diagnose online structure-building and processing facilitation () during processing. We found priming for Subject islands when primes and targets were close together, but not when they were further apart. No effects were detected when CNPC islands were close together, but there was a localized effect when sentences were further apart. The disjunction between Experiments 1 and 2 suggests repetition of the structure in Subject islands facilitated online processing but did not ‘spill over’ to acceptability ratings. Meanwhile, results for CNPC islands suggest that acceptability rating improvements in Experiment 1 may be driven by factors distinct from online processing facilitation. Together, our experiments show that satiation may not be a one-size-fit-all phenomenon but, instead, appears to manifest itself differently for different types of structures. Priming is possible and may be linked to satiation in some purportedly “unbuildable” structures (e.g., Subject islands), but not for all types (e.g., CNPC islands). Despite this, it appears that while the types of mechanisms targeting different island types are distinct, they are nevertheless similarly sensitive to the proximity between individual exposures.
机译:句法饱足是一种现象,其中某些最初看起来不合语法的句子在反复暴露后似乎更容易被接受()。我们通过操纵两个已知会影响句法启动的因素来研究饱足感,这是一种最近接触语法结构有助于该结构后续处理的现象。具体来说,我们操纵(i)暴露的接近度(素数和目标之间的句子数)和(ii)词汇重复(跨素数和目标重复的短语类型)。实验1研究了复杂NP约束(CNPC)和主题岛的可接受性等级是否由于这些变量而提高。如果是这样,启动和饱食可能会联系在一起。当用一个句子将质数与目标分隔开时,CNPC岛的可接受性会因先前的相同类型的岛而得到改善,而主题岛的可接受性却没有。当主要目标对用五句话分开时,我们发现这两种岛屿类型都没有改善。实验2询问实验1中的改进是否反映了在线处理或离线句尾效应。我们使用自定进度的阅读范例来在处理过程中诊断在线结构构建和处理便利化()。我们发现,当素数和目标接近时,主题岛会引发,但当它们离得较远时,则不是。当CNPC岛靠在一起时,没有检测到任何影响,但是当句子距离更远时,则存在局部影响。实验1和实验2之间的脱节表明,主题岛中结构的重复促进了在线处理,但并未“溢出”可接受性等级。同时,CNPC岛屿的结果表明,实验1中可接受程度的提高可能是由不同于在线处理便利性的因素驱动的。总之,我们的实验表明,饱足可能不是一种千篇一律的现象,而是针对不同类型的结构表现出不同的表现。引发是可能的,并且可能与某些据称“无法建造”的结构(例如,主题岛)中的饱足感相关联,但并非针对所有类型(例如,CNPC岛)。尽管如此,看来针对不同岛屿类型的机制类型是不同的,但是它们对个体暴露之间的距离也同样敏感。

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