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Habermas and the Project of Emancipation: Communicative Action, Emancipated Society and the Self-Constitution of Emancipatory Agency

机译:哈贝马斯与解放计划:交往行动,解放的社会与解放机构的自我构成

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摘要

Abstract Habermas's conception of emancipation, as he claims, differs from Marx's, among other, in that societal differentiation, in the former, is preserved as an accomplishment of modernity, whereas in, the latter, dissolved into the lifeworld. Despite such claim, I argue that Habermas's concept of emancipation, if its premises and assumptions are logically stretched, implies or amounts to lifeworldization as an affirmation of the primacy of communicative reason which can take a variety of modi operandi from the "influence" of subsystems from the lifeworld to the communicative coordination of actions.;Habermas's popular prescriptions of radical democracy---influence and countersteering---contrary to the objectives expressed therein, imply de-differentiation as lifeworldization. Habermas's injunction of leaving the internal logic of steering media intact is indefensible empirically as subsystems including the economy, far from having the necessary logic, are historically contingent and, therefore, social construct; as well as normatively, as the injunction prohibits and preempts democratic participation and determination. Similarly, efficiency can be and ought to be reconceived postmetaphysically for radical democracy.;Moreover, Habermas's normative understanding of democracy and law as conceived and theorized as self-organization of a community and constitutional state and also explicated in terms of the proceduralist paradigm of law, along with the critique of welfare state, affirms the primacy of communicative reason, and also implies a specific and concrete form of life as constitutive of radical democracy. Habermas's comments on social power and factual equality affirm the necessity of egalitarian societal structure created not paternalistically but democratically. Interestingly, even systems-theoretic amendments of Habermas's "system" point to the possibility and desirability of democratization of action spheres and the entire society.;Habermasian idea of "new social movement" has a concrete implication on who the potential actors of the "new conflict" are. The idea of movement reconceived with reconstructed civil society also implies the necessity of a unifying and unified collective actor in the form of a radical political party as the self-mediation of civil society and public sphere. Moreover, Habermas's conceptual and theoretical concepts supply normative insights and resources necessary and useful for the self-constitution of such party as an agency of self-emancipation.
机译:摘要正如哈贝马斯所声称的那样,哈贝马斯关于解放的概念与马克思的有所不同,其中前者的社会分化被保留为现代性的成就,而后者则被溶入了生活世界。尽管有这样的主张,但我认为,哈贝马斯的解放概念,如果前提和假设在逻辑上被拉伸,则暗示或等同于生活世界化,作为对交往理性至高无上的肯定,这种交往可以从子系统的“影响力”中提取各种形式的操作。从生活世界到行动的沟通协调。哈贝马斯关于激进民主的流行处方-影响和反转向-与其中表达的目标背道而驰,意味着去分化是生活世界化。哈贝马斯关于保持操纵媒体内部逻辑完好无损的禁令在经验上是不可辩驳的,因为包括经济在内的子系统远没有必要的逻辑,在历史上是偶然的,因此是社会建构。以及禁令禁止和抢占民主参与和决心。同样,效率可以在后形而上地针对激进民主进行重新构想。此外,哈贝马斯对民主和法律的规范理解是作为一个社区和宪法国家的自组织构想和理论化的,并且在程序主义的法律范式中得到了阐述。连同对福利国家的批判,肯定了交往理性的首要地位,也暗示着一种特定而具体的生活形式,是激进民主的组成部分。哈贝马斯关于社会权力和事实平等的评论肯定了建立在父权制而非民主制下的平等社会结构的必要性。有趣的是,甚至对哈贝马斯“系统”的系统理论修正也指出了行动领域和整个社会民主化的可能性和可取性。;哈贝马斯的“新社会运动”思想对“新”运动的潜在参与者有具体的暗示。冲突”。用重建的公民社会重新构想的运动观念还意味着,有必要以激进政党的形式统一和统一集体行动者,作为公民社会和公共领域的自我调解。此外,哈贝马斯的概念和理论概念提供了规范的见解和资源,对于作为自我解放机构的政党的自我建构是必要的和有用的。

著录项

  • 作者

    Prasai, Khagendra.;

  • 作者单位

    State University of New York at Binghamton.;

  • 授予单位 State University of New York at Binghamton.;
  • 学科 Philosophy.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2017
  • 页码 235 p.
  • 总页数 235
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 水产、渔业;
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:38:52

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