首页> 外文学位 >KARL MARX, FRIEDRICH ENGELS, AND THE GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY, 1875 TO 1895.
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KARL MARX, FRIEDRICH ENGELS, AND THE GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY, 1875 TO 1895.

机译:卡尔·马克思,弗里德里希·恩格尔斯和德国社会民主党,1875年至1895年。

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In the period of this study, Marx was working on the second volume of Kapital. Engels handled the correspondence with European socialist leaders. The two men discussed by letter the policies they sought to have adopted by socialist parties.;Marx and Engels had regarded Germany as the center of the European workers' movement since 1871. They followed socialist activity there more closely than anywhere else. Both regarded Bismarck's Germany as "Bonapartist.";The Londoners were stunned by the totality of their defeat when, in 1875, the Eisenacher party united with the Lassallean General German Workingmen's Association under a Lassallean program. They blamed Wilhelm Liebknecht for the fact that their teachings found no place in the new party. Neither Marx nor Engels ever appreciated the strength of reformist, petty-bourgeois ideas or eclectic socialism in Germany.;Marx and Engels strove to bring the new party closer to their views. Twice they threatened to break with the party and to attack it publicly. Engels' Anti-Duhring (1877-78) began the Marxist penetration of the party. By 1883, the year Marx died, they were able regularly to reach the German proletariat through the party's illegal organ, Der Sozialdemokrat.;The political climate of Germany militated against the spread of revolutionary Marxism. The majority of the party's Reichstag deputies were opportunist, reformist, or both. Engels believed that when the Anti-Socialist Law fell, the party would split into revolutionary and reformist wings. The fall of the law would also create an environment in which the German working class could become clear in revolutionary theory.;Engels did not have first-hand information on the German workers. The massive SPD victory in the election of 1890 caused Engels to revise his opinion of the necessity of a split in the party. After the election he fancied that the influx of new party supporters would receive their revolutionary educations from the older, more experienced comrades. Above all others, Engels relied on August Bebel for information concerning the German proletariat. Bebel told him that the proletariat was revolutionary, but that its leaders were largely opportunistic. Engels did not view the party as an organic whole.;August Bebel, on whom Marxism had made a deep impression, was a revolutionary of the breakdown theory variety. He believed that directly out of an economic crisis socialism would emerge. Engels did not grasp this element in Bebel's thinking. He believed instead that Bebel was holding the party to a revolutionary course.;Bebel embraced Marxist ideology as an opposition tactic. Passionate in his hatred of capitalism, he adopted the rhetoric of the class struggle only to disinherit it whenever the party was threatened. Engels failed to notice until the last weeks of his life that Bebel would waver on the question of violent revolution.;While Der Sozialdemokrat ceased publication in 1980, Engels lost the only major German organ he could decisively influence. Engels believed that the German proleteriat could be instructed in revolution. Yet Liebknecht blurred all questions of principle in Vorwarts, the legal central organ, and did not editorially support Marxism. Engels did not attack Liebknecht publicly. The proletariat did not receive a revolutionary education.;In the period 1890-95 Engels' influence in the party declined rapidly. His decline in influence was terminated only by his death. If he had lived until 1919, he would have broken with the Majority Social Democrats.;This study is based on published correspondence and on German socialists' collections in the International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam.
机译:在本研究期间,马克思正在研究《卡皮塔尔》的第二卷。恩格斯处理了与欧洲社会主义领导人的往来信件。这两个人通过信讨论了他们寻求社会党采取的政策。马克思和恩格斯自1871年以来就将德国视为欧洲工人运动的中心。他们在那里比其他任何地方都更密切地关注社会主义活动。双方都视Bi斯麦的德国为“波拿巴主义者”; 1875年,埃塞纳赫党与拉萨林德国一般工人协会在拉萨林计划下联合起来时,伦敦人为他们的失败而震惊。他们指责威廉·里布克内希特(Wilhelm Liebknecht)的事实是他们的教in在新党中没有地位。马克思和恩格斯都不曾欣赏过德国的改良主义,小资产阶级思想或折衷社会主义的力量。马克思和恩格斯力求使新政党更接近他们的观点。他们两次威胁要与该党决裂并公开对其进行攻击。恩格斯的《反Duhring》(1877-78年)开始了马克思主义对该党的渗透。到1883年,即马克思去世的那一年,他们能够通过该党的非法机构Der Sozialdemokrat定期到达德国无产阶级。该党的大多数国会议员代表都是机会主义者,改良主义者或两者兼而有之。恩格斯认为,当《反社会主义法》废除时,该党将分裂为革命派和改良派。法律的废除也将创造一个环境,使德国工人阶级的革命理论变得清晰起来。恩格斯没有有关德国工人的第一手资料。 1890年大选中,社民党取得了巨大胜利,恩格斯修改了他对党内分裂的必要性的看法。选举后,他以为新的政党支持者会从较老的,更有经验的同志那里接受革命教育。最重要的是,恩格斯依靠奥古斯特·贝尔(August Bebel)来获得有关德国无产阶级的信息。贝贝尔告诉他,无产阶级是革命性的,但其领导人在很大程度上是机会主义的。恩格斯并不认为该党是一个有机的整体。马克思主义给贝贝留下深刻印象的八月贝尔是革命理论的革命者。他认为社会主义将直接摆脱经济危机。恩格斯没有把握贝贝尔思想中的这一要素。相反,他相信贝贝尔正在使该党走上革命路线。贝贝尔接受了马克思主义的意识形态作为对立的策略。由于对仇恨资本主义充满热情,他采用了阶级斗争的言论,只是在党受到威胁时才取消阶级斗争的继承权。恩格斯直到生命的最后几个星期都没有注意到贝贝尔会动摇暴力革命的问题。1980年,德·索齐尔德莫克拉特(Der Sozialdemokrat)停止出版时,恩格斯失去了他可以果断影响的唯一主要德国器官。恩格斯认为,德国人的妓女可以在革命中受到指导。然而,利勃克内希特模糊了中央法律机构沃瓦尔特的所有原则性问题,并且没有在编辑上支持马克思主义。恩格斯没有公开攻击利勃克内希特。无产阶级没有接受革命教育。在1890-95年间,恩格斯在党内的影响迅速下降。他的影响力下降仅因他的死亡而终止。如果他活到1919年,他将与多数社会民主党人分庭抗礼。这项研究是基于已发表的信函以及阿姆斯特丹国际社会历史研究所德国社会主义者的藏品而进行的。

著录项

  • 作者

    JONES, D'ARCY WOODFIN, JR.;

  • 作者单位

    Emory University.;

  • 授予单位 Emory University.;
  • 学科 History Modern.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 1980
  • 页码 421 p.
  • 总页数 421
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 现代史(1917年~);
  • 关键词

  • 入库时间 2022-08-17 11:51:41

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