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Decoding effects of micro social contexts on the academic achievement of immigrant adolescents from the poor working-class: Peers, institutional agents, and school contexts.

机译:微观社会环境对贫困工人阶级(同龄人,机构特工和学校环境)移民青少年学业的影响。

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摘要

While some immigrant students from poor working-class backgrounds have demonstrated high academic achievement, less is known about why and how they show high achievement, while so many other poor working-class peers do not. In seeking an answer, based on social capital theory, I focus on capturing micro social contexts which shape the educational experiences and outcomes of immigrant working-class adolescents. Among various micro social contexts, I place significant emphasis on peers, institutional agents, and school contexts.;I first conducted a case study with a mixed-methods approach to examine how and why immigrant working-class students navigate and cultivate resources embedded in their social relationships. Social network analysis served as the critical foundation for capturing the associations of social capital with academic achievement. I also conducted follow-up qualitative analysis utilizing semi-structured interviewing in order to complement network data. This qualitative analysis focused on exploring how immigrant working-class students interpret the social contexts surrounding them such as school characteristics, social interactions, and relationships. Coupled with this case study, the scope of my study was expanded by analyzing a large secondary dataset which tested major findings from the case study on a larger scale. By using the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS), I investigated the effects of social networks and key school organizational features on immigrant students' academic achievement.;Findings from this study indicate that (1) there is a significant disparity in obtaining relational benefits within the same class category---i.e. high-achieving immigrant working-class students tend to gain more benefits from their social relationships than low-achieving immigrant working-class students; (2) the type of friends immigrant adolescents have in their social relationships is more important than how many close friends they have---i.e. having supportive and academically-oriented friends is the highest contributing factor to high achievement; (3) the academic achievement of high-achieving immigrant working-class students is positively associated with their having quality relationships with other peers via out-degree ties (i.e. resource mobilization); (4) ethnic cohesion (from the case study) and immigrant cohesion (from the CILS analysis) contribute to peer networks seemingly due to their social setting; (5) in terms of peer networks, high-achieving immigrant adolescents' social capital seems to be comparable to the concept of bonding social capital, given that it is primarily based on same-ethnicity and same-achievement level. However, these students' developing bonding social capital seems not to be due to it being their best option in scaffolding social resources, but because it is one of a few options they can access and utilize; (6) ethnic cohesion coupled with positive ethnic identity seems to be helpful for academic achievement of immigrant students because the co-ethnic group serves as a positive reference group; (7) having quality relationships with institutional agents is positively associated with high achievement, and one of the most important components of quality relationships is to have longer durations of relationships with institutional agents; (8) even though immigrant students are connected with "influential" (or important) institutional agents, such relationships do not necessarily mean that students are navigating, drawing, or activating resources embedded in their relationships with influential institutional agents; (9) smaller school size is viewed as a good spatial mechanism for sound school social relations and learning environments for immigrant adolescents across ethnic groups; (10) acting White might be not applicable to schools where schools are structurally small, culturally college-bound, and ethnically-homogenous; and (11) persistent race and class stratification facing immigrant working-class students remains a large socio-structural force that shapes their network orientation and perspectives of opportunity structures. Implications for these findings are discussed.
机译:虽然一些来自贫穷工人阶级背景的移民学生表现出很高的学业成就,但对于为什么和如何表现出较高成就却知之甚少,而许多其他贫穷的工人阶级同龄人却没有。在寻求答案的基础上,我基于社会资本理论,重点研究了微观社会环境,这些环境塑造了移民工人阶级青少年的教育经验和成果。在各种微观社会环境中,我特别强调了同龄人,机构代理人和学校环境。;我首先使用混合方法进行了案例研究,以研究移民工薪阶层学生如何以及为何导航和培养嵌入他们的资源社会关系。社交网络分析是捕捉社会资本与学术成就之间联系的关键基础。我还利用半结构化访谈进行了后续定性分析,以补充网络数据。这种定性分析的重点是探索移民工人阶级学生如何解释他们周围的社会环境,例如学校特征,社会互动和关系。结合本案例研究,通过分析大型次要数据集扩大了我的研究范围,该数据集对案例研究的主要发现进行了较大规模的测试。通过使用移民儿童纵向研究(CILS),我调查了社交网络和学校的主要组织特征对移民学生学习成绩的影响。该研究的结果表明:(1)获得关系利益方面存在重大差异在同一个类别中---高学历的移民工人阶级学生比低学业的移民工人阶级学生倾向于从他们的社会关系中获得更多的利益; (2)移民青少年在社交关系中所拥有的朋友类型比他们拥有多少亲密朋友更为重要-即拥有支持和以学术为导向的朋友是取得高成就的最大因素; (3)高成就移民工人阶级学生的学业成绩与他们与其他同龄人的良好关系有着积极的联系,这种关系是通过学位联系(即资源调动)来实现的; (4)种族凝聚力(来自案例研究)和移民凝聚力(来自CILS分析)似乎是由于同伴网络的社会背景而产生的; (5)就同伴网络而言,高成就移民青少年的社会资本似乎可以与结合社会资本的概念相提并论,因为它主要基于同族和同成就水平。然而,这些学生发展的社会资本纽带似乎不是因为它是他们搭建社会资源的最佳选择,而是因为它是他们可以访问和利用的少数选择之一; (6)种族凝聚力加上积极的种族认同似乎有助于移民学生的学习成绩,因为同族群体是积极的参考群体; (7)与机构代理人建立质量关系与成就成正相关,质量关系的最重要组成部分之一是与机构代理人之间的关系持续时间更长; (8)即使移民学生与“有影响力”(或重要)的机构代理人联系在一起,这种关系也不一定意味着学生正在导航,吸引或激活与有影响力的机构代理人关系中所包含的资源; (9)规模较小的学校被认为是良好的社会关系和跨种族移民青少年学习环境的良好空间机制; (10)代理白人可能不适用于学校规模较小,文化上受大学限制且种族同质的学校; (11)移民工人阶级学生面临的持续种族和阶级分层仍然是一个巨大的社会结构力量,它塑造着他们的网络定位和机会结构的观点。讨论了这些发现的含义。

著录项

  • 作者

    Lee, Moosung.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Minnesota.;

  • 授予单位 University of Minnesota.;
  • 学科 Education Sociology of.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2009
  • 页码 376 p.
  • 总页数 376
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 社会学;
  • 关键词

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