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The forty-fivers: The languages of republicanism and the foundation of West Germany, 1945--1977.

机译:四十五岁:共和主义的语言和西德的建立,1945--1977年。

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摘要

This dissertation examines the dilemma of republican consensus-formation in West Germany. It contends that post-totalitarian and post-genocidal republics face a unique legitimacy dilemma. On the one hand, they must distance themselves in all respects from the evil regime that they replaced in order to establish their moral credibility. On the other, they must usually integrate a substantial number of those persons who were implicated in the crimes of that regime if the new republic is to be a stable entity. This tension is born by the two opposing republican languages available in such situations. There is the "redemptive" language of republicanism, Jacobin in nature, seeking to sunder the new state from its predecessors in order to commence a radically new project, a rebirth, a regeneration, a renaissance. Its strategy of consensus-formation is captured best in the word "cleansing." The alternative language is "integrative." It is republican insofar as it distances itself from the regime it succeeds, but it does not pretend to a radical new beginning, divorced from national tradition. It seeks to embody positive continuities, and, above all, it integrates the persons implicated in the past regime and offers them the chance to build a future without necessarily requiring the "correct" spirit of them. A new consensus forms gradually over time. This dissertation contends that neither language of republicanism can account satisfactorily for the actual development of West Germany's republican consensus. In fact, a third discursive language has developed that transcends the blindness of the other two, thereby resolving the legitimacy dilemma. I argue that the bearer of this third language was the generation of German intellectuals born roughly between 1922 and 1932, the "forty-fivers." By debating with one another about which language of republicanism the new Republic, whose first youth they were, the members of this intellectual generation began a discursive post facto foundation of country---a slow process of consensus formation based on a tireless hermeneutical reflection on the national past, National Socialism, and the Holocaust.
机译:本文探讨了西德共和制共识形成的困境。它认为,极权主义后和种族灭绝后的共和国面临着独特的合法性困境。一方面,他们必须在各个方面与被其取代的邪恶政权保持距离,以建立自己的道德信誉。另一方面,如果要使新共和国成为一个稳定的实体,他们通常必须融入与该政权有关的许多人。这种紧张局势是由在这种情况下可用的两种对立的共和语言引起的。共和主义有一种“救赎”的语言,本质上是雅各宾派,试图从其前辈手中夺取新国家,以启动一个全新的项目,重生,复兴,复兴。它的共识形成策略在“清洗”一词中得到了最好的体现。替代语言是“集成的”。就其与成功政权的距离而言,它是共和党人,但它并没有假装与民族传统背道而驰。它力求体现积极的连续性,最重要的是,它融合了牵涉到过去政权的人,并为他们提供了建立未来的机会,而不必要求他们的“正确”精神。随着时间的推移,逐渐形成了新的共识。本文认为,共和主义的语言都不能令人满意地解释西德共和党共识的实际发展。实际上,已经发展了第三种话语超越了其他两种语言的盲目性,从而解决了合法性的困境。我认为第三种语言的发源者是大约在1922年至1932年之间出生的德国知识分子的一代,即“四十岁以下的人”。通过相互辩论新共和国是哪种共和主义语言,他们是第一批青年,这一代知识分子的成员开始了国家的事后话语基础-基于对问题的不懈的诠释性思考,形成共识的缓慢过程国家的过去,国家社会主义和大屠杀。

著录项

  • 作者

    Moses, Anthony Dirk.;

  • 作者单位

    University of California, Berkeley.;

  • 授予单位 University of California, Berkeley.;
  • 学科 History European.;Language Modern.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2000
  • 页码 358 p.
  • 总页数 358
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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