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The Navy as a Political Instrument: Freedom of Navigation Operations 1958-2013

机译:海军作为政治工具:航行自由1958-2013

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摘要

Through the Freedom of Navigation Program, established in 1979, the United States exercises diplomatic and military options for disputing maritime claims it judges to be inconsistent with customary international law and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Yet, despite the United States' universal commitment to freedom of navigation and the law of the sea, it has behaved inconsistently from 1979-2013. This dissertation examines the variation and asks under what conditions the United States demonstrates its refusal to acquiesce to maritime claims---either by issuing a diplomatic protest or driving a warship through the disputed waters. This dissertation introduces a new dataset of every coastal state in the world over this 34-year period, coding each type of maritime claim made by every coastal state in the world, whether the United States disputes that particular claim, and whether the United States takes some kind of diplomatic or operational action to dispute it. The mixed-method analysis proceeds with a large-n quantitative analysis that sets up a qualitative case study on the Strait of Hormuz. The dissertation begins and concludes with a discussion of current conditions in the South China Sea and the United States activity in this disputed region.;This study finds that territorial and usage claims are twice as strongly correlated with operational assertions as a response than diplomatic protests. More specifically, coastal states that require foreign ships to obtain permission prior to entering their territorial sea are most highly correlated with operational assertions. When the United States disputes a maritime claim, military powers and wealthy states are no more likely to receive Freedom of Navigation operations (FONOPS) than others. Moreover, bilateral trade relationships and polity type hardly seem to matter. Similarly, neither the number of ships nor diplomatic representation increases the likelihood of FONOPS. Rather, a coastal state's possession of nuclear weapons significantly increases the likelihood of receiving an operational assertion---especially if that states has made a declaration upon ratification of UNCLOS.
机译:通过1979年制定的航行自由方案,美国对外交官认为其与习惯国际法和《联合国海洋法公约》相抵触的海事主张提出了外交和军事选择。然而,尽管美国对航行自由和海洋法作出了普遍承诺,但从1979年至2013年,它的表现一直不一致。本文研究了这种变化,并询问美国在什么情况下表明其拒绝默认海事请求,即发出外交抗议或在有争议的水域驾驶军舰。本文介绍了这34年间世界上每个沿海国家的新数据集,对世界上每个沿海国家提出的每种海事请求进行了编码,美国是否对此特定主张提出异议,以及美国是否采取某种外交或行动措施对此提出异议。混合方法分析以大n定量分析为基础,对霍尔木兹海峡进行定性案例研究。论文以讨论南中国海的现状和美国在这一有争议地区的活动作为开始和结尾。更具体地说,沿海国家要求外国船舶在进入领海之前必须获得许可,这与作战主张高度相关。当美国对海事主张提出异议时,军事强国和富裕国家比其他国家更不可能获得导航自由(FONOPS)。而且,双边贸易关系和政体类型似乎无关紧要。同样,无论是船只数量还是外交代表机构,都不会增加犯规的可能性。相反,沿海国拥有核武器的可能性大大增加了收到业务断言的可能性,特别是如果该国在批准《联合国海洋法公约》时发表了声明。

著录项

  • 作者

    O'Hara, Michael P.;

  • 作者单位

    Columbia University.;

  • 授予单位 Columbia University.;
  • 学科 International relations.;Military studies.;International law.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2016
  • 页码 243 p.
  • 总页数 243
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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