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Understanding How the Discourses of Welfare Impact the Subjectivities of OW Participants.

机译:了解福利话语如何影响OW参与者的主体性。

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摘要

In 1995 the Progressive Conservative (PC) party of Ontario carried out a series of welfare policy changes impacting the operating principles of social assistance. The PC campaign pledged to cut social assistance benefit levels, implement mandatory workfare, and crack down on welfare fraud. Using a qualitative methodology, this dissertation asks, “How does Ontario Works, the accompanying discourse and cultural logic of neoliberal welfare reform, impact the subjectivities of OW participants?” A governmentality framework informs this research by placing “focus on how we are governed and by what practices” (Cruikshank, 1999: 120). The investigation follows a theoretical tradition “direct[ing] us to attend to the practices of government that form the basis on which problematizations are made and what happens when we govern and are governed?” (Dean, 1999: 28).;From an analysis of 24 semi-structured interviews with OW participants in Oxford County, I argue that the “regimes of practice” (Foucault, 1991: 73-86) associated with Ontario Works and the public “words of welfare” (Schram, 1995) promoted by the “common sense revolution” operate on a “discursive field” (Foucault, 2006 [1969]: 30) facilitating a form of “prejudice” (Allport, 1954) called classism. By examining the “workings, effects, and the ‘how?’ of power” (Foucault, 2003: 274) I show that classism survives in the dominant public discourses of welfare reform by way of the “cultural categories that undergird the social order” (Schram, 2000: 1): namely, that of “the lazy welfare recipient” and “the exploited taxpayer.” Consistent with Mullaly, I suggest that “Culture is not only received by people, it is produced and reproduced by the same people in everyday life” (Mullaly, 2002: 72). Paraphrasing Foucault's seminal insights on v power, I will demonstrate that classism, via the mainstream discourses of personal responsibility and excessive taxation, “passes through the individuals it has constituted” (Foucault, 2003: 30).
机译:1995年,安大略的进步保守党(PC)进行了一系列福利政策变更,这些变更影响了社会援助的运作原则。 PC竞选活动承诺降低社会救助福利水平,实施强制性工作,并打击福利欺诈。本文采用定性方法,提出以下问题:“安大略省的工作,新自由主义福利改革的附带论述和文化逻辑如何影响OW参与者的主观性?”政府框架通过“专注于我们如何治理以及如何实践”来为这项研究提供信息(Cruikshank,1999:120)。这项调查遵循的理论传统是“指导我们参加政府的实践,这些实践构成了问题化的基础,以及在我们执政和治理时会发生什么?” (Dean,1999:28)。;从对牛津县OW参与者的24个半结构化访谈的分析中,我认为“实践制度”(Foucault,1991:73-86)与安大略省工程和公众相关由“常识革命”提倡的“福祉之言”(Schram,1995)在“话语领域”(Foucault,2006 [1969]:30)上运作,促进了一种称为“偏见”的“偏见”形式(Allport,1954)。通过研究“权力的作用,效果和'方式'(Foucault,2003:274),我表明,阶级主义在福利改革的主要公共话语中以“支撑社会秩序的文化类别”得以生存。 (Schram,2000:1):即“懒惰的福利接受者”和“被剥削的纳税人”。与穆拉利一致,我建议“文化不仅是人们所接受的,而且是日常生活中同一个人生产和再生产的”(Mullaly,2002:72)。解释福柯对v权力的开创性见解,我将证明,通过个人责任和过度征税的主流论述,阶级主义“通过了它所构成的个人”(Foucault,2003:30)。

著录项

  • 作者

    Bratton, Michael.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Windsor (Canada).;

  • 授予单位 University of Windsor (Canada).;
  • 学科 Psychology Social.;Sociology Public and Social Welfare.;Womens Studies.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2010
  • 页码 322 p.
  • 总页数 322
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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