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United States relations with Iran: American identity, foreign policy, and the politics of representation.

机译:美国与伊朗的关系:美国身份,外交政策和代表政治。

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摘要

For over two decades U.S. policy toward Iran has consisted of containment, isolation, and the imposition of increasingly tougher sanctions. The policy aims at changing Iran's behavior in three areas of primary concern to American decision-makers: alleged state sponsorship of terrorism, pursuit of weapons of mass destruction, and violent opposition to the Arab-Israeli peace process. This study asks how it is possible for U.S. legislators to defend and maintain a policy which does not accomplish its goals, alienates U.S. allies, fails most cost-benefit analyses, and neglects crucial national interests. I find that U.S.-Iran relations, as reflected in Congressional hearings on Iran, are the result of a struggle to define the dominant American identity narrative, for which postrevolutionary Iran represents a radically new challenge. The 1979 overthrow of the U.S. backed-shah, Iranian Revolution, and hostage crisis were collective traumas that linger in the American psyche. For Congress and successive administrations, the Iran-Contra scandal continues to haunt disputes regarding each branch's prerogative, evokes old misgivings, and shapes U.S. policy toward Iran. Despite two decades of isolation and sanctions, Iran has refused re-incorporation into the American-led world order and continues to inspire and assist other "bad actors," especially those violently opposed to the Palestinian-Israeli peace process. As Congress and the administration debate the best way to handle this "rogue" state, they attempt to define America's character and purpose, including its rights and obligations, vis-a-vis other international agents. In this sense, Iran represents the foremost challenge to American identity, if not to world security. This struggle over identity is compounded by a deeply flawed process of deliberation, which produces sub-optimal solutions and policy effects opposite to those intended. Consideration of these procedural and deliberative dysfunctions is a major part of this study.
机译:在过去的二十多年中,美国对伊朗的政策包括遏制,孤立和实施越来越严格的制裁。该政策旨在改变伊朗在美国决策者主要关注的三个方面的行为:所谓的国家赞助恐怖主义,寻求大规模毁灭性武器以及对阿拉伯-以色列和平进程的暴力反对。这项研究询问了美国立法者如何捍卫和维持一项无法实现其目标,疏远美国盟友,未能通过大多数成本效益分析并忽略了至关重要的国家利益的政策。我发现,正如在国会对伊朗的听证会上所反映的那样,美伊关系是努力界定美国主要身份叙事的结果,革命后的伊朗对伊朗叙事提出了新的挑战。 1979年,美国支持的国王推翻,伊朗革命和人质危机是在美国心理中挥之不去的集体创伤。对于国会和历届政府来说,“伊朗与反对派”丑闻继续困扰着各分支机构的特权纠纷,令人回味不已,并影响了美国对伊朗的政策。尽管经历了数十年的孤立和制裁,伊朗仍拒绝重新加入以美国为首的世界秩序,并继续激励和协助其他“不良行为者”,尤其是那些暴力反对​​巴以和平进程的人。当国会和政府对如何处理这种“无赖”状态的最佳方法进行辩论时,他们试图确定美国的性格和宗旨,包括其相对于其他国际机构的权利和义务。从这个意义上说,伊朗代表着对美国身份的挑战,即使不是对世界安全的挑战。围绕身份认同的斗争因深思熟虑的审议过程而变得更加复杂,这产生了与预期相反的次优解决方案和政策效果。这些程序性和协商性功能障碍的考虑是本研究的主要部分。

著录项

  • 作者

    Paules, Marian Helen.;

  • 作者单位

    Syracuse University.;

  • 授予单位 Syracuse University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2003
  • 页码 353 p.
  • 总页数 353
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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