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The independence of binding and intensification.

机译:约束力和强化力的独立性。

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摘要

A new approach to the interaction of binding and intensification is advanced. While most current approaches to (e.g. Reinhart & Reuland 1993, Huang & Liu 2001, among others) take the selv element in so-called SELF-anaphors (e.g., Dan. sig selv) to be itself a reflexive, we argue that it is in fact an adnominal intensifier (cf. Baker 1995, and Konig & Siemund 2000). Thus we achieve a unified account of all types of intensified nominal expressions, be they intensified DPs (e.g., Dan. Peter selv 'Peter himself'), intensified reflexives (e.g., Dan. Peter hader sig selv 'Peter hates REFL self'), or intensified pronouns (e.g., Dan. Peter sagde at Mary dansede med alle andre end ham selv "Peter said that Mary danced with everyone except himself.')---something most current approaches to binding and intensification are unable to do. In contrast to predicate-based approaches to binding (e.g. Reinhart & Reuland 1993), we call for a nominal approach in which binding is defined as the interaction of intrinsic properties of nominal expressions and syntactic locality constraints. We also argue that the Danish reflexive sig (=Dutch zich , Norwegian seg, etc.) is not an anti-local anaphor specialized for long-distance binding, thus falsifying those binding theories which crucially rely on this assumption. Finally, concerning intensification, we argue that the semantic contribution of adnominal intensifiers (e.g. Danish selv, Eng. himself) is not similar to that of scalar focus particle (as argued by Eckardt 2001) or reducible to centrality-effects (as argued by Konig (1997) and Siemund (2000)), but rather very similar to that of contrastive focus, which---depending on the context---may or may not involve scalar ordering of focus-generated alternatives. The analysis is extended to English and Chinese where himself and ziji 'self-self'are argued always to be intensifiers (≈ Dan. selv) modifying O-reflexives (≈ Dan. sig), e.g. Peter, shaved O, himself . We show that this analysis provides answers to hitherto unanswered questions related to the evolution of Modern English reflexives and intensifiers from Old English which had a monomorphemic self intensifier and no reflexive pronouns.
机译:提出了一种新的结合和强化相互作用的方法。尽管当前大多数方法(例如Reinhart&Reuland 1993,Huang&Liu 2001等)都将所谓的SELF照应中的selv元素(例如Dan。sig selv)本身视为反身的,但我们认为这是自反的实际上是一个名词性的增强器(参见Baker 1995和Konig&Siemund 2000)。因此,我们实现了对所有类型的强化名词表达的统一解释,例如强化DP(例如,Dan。Peter selv“彼得本人”),强化反身(例如,Dan。Peter hader sig selv“ Peter讨厌REFL self”),或强化代词(例如,玛丽·丹塞德·梅·阿莱德·安德烈·德·汉姆·塞尔夫的丹·彼得·萨格德,“彼得说玛丽与除他本人以外的所有人共舞。”)-目前大多数的束缚和强化方法都无法做到。对于基于谓词的绑定方法(例如Reinhart&Reuland 1993),我们呼吁采用名词化方法,其中绑定被定义为名词性表达的内在特性与句法局部性约束的相互作用。我们还认为丹麦语反身信号(=荷兰语zich,挪威语seg等)不是专门针对长距离绑定的反局部照应,因此伪造了关键依赖此假设的绑定理论。最后,关于集约化,我们认为名词性增强器的躁动贡献(例如丹麦语言,英语。他本人)与标量焦点粒子(如Eckardt 2001所论证)或可归结为中心效应(如Konig(1997)和Siemund(2000)所论)不相似,但与对比焦点相似,后者---取决于上下文---可能涉及也可能不涉及焦点生成的替代方案的标量排序。该分析扩展到英语和汉语,在这些英语和汉语中,他本人和子集“自我”一直被认为是修饰O-反身语的增强器(≈ Dan。sig),例如。彼得,他自己刮了胡子。我们表明,该分析为迄今尚未解决的问题提供了答案,这些问题与现代英语自反和增强词从古英语的演变有关,古英语具有单态自我增强词,没有自反代词。

著录项

  • 作者

    Bergeton, Uffe.;

  • 作者单位

    University of Southern California.;

  • 授予单位 University of Southern California.;
  • 学科 Language Linguistics.; Language General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2004
  • 页码 472 p.
  • 总页数 472
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 语言学;语言学;
  • 关键词

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