Asia first: China and American conservatism, 1937--1965.

摘要

This dissertation traces the influence of U.S.-China relations upon the development of the American Right. Although they have long been considered isolationist, conservative leaders were in fact deeply interested in foreign affairs. The origins of a distinctive diplomatic ethos can be traced through their positions on U.S. foreign policy in Asia during the early Cold War period. From the communization of China in 1949 through the 1960s, conservatives combined anti-communism with nostalgia for an idiosyncratic Sino-American relationship to formulate an orientalism that renovated the Right for a globalized postwar era. The "Asia First" doctrine was born of the Cold War yet inspired by the Open Door, and it instilled conservatism with a sense of worldwide purpose.; The transition from isolationist "Old" Right to internationalist "New" Right was a difficult one to make. In order to develop its own brand of foreign relations, conservatism needed to overcome a longstanding tradition of isolationist thinking typified by George Washington's farewell address and the Monroe Doctrine. Pearl Harbor and America's subsequent world status made doctrinaire isolationism impossible; yet for conservative Republicans, the concept of bipartisan foreign policy was also not an option. They found their answer in the Far East and a very willing partner in the Chinese Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek.; Within national politics, the China issue mended divisions between the Right's elite and popular branches, thus making a significant contribution to the future successes of the conservative movement. Much of this growth can be attributed to Asia First's ability to galvanize grassroots conservatives to action, as well as the remarkable longevity of the "loss" of China as a cautionary tale. Even as conservative elites gained a toehold in the debate over official foreign policy, activists on the ground practiced their own style of international mediation. American supporters of Chiang's China tested traditional diplomatic boundaries through their actions as missionaries, fundraisers, journalists, and district organizers.; This project contributes to both the historiography of U.S. foreign relations and the growing literature on the American Right. As the narrative delineates the connection between postwar conservatism and the Pacific Rim, it reconsiders the context and conduct of Sino-American relations while adding a much-needed diplomatic angle to historical analysis of rightwing political culture. The evolution of Asia First exposes the genesis of a platform today expected of the Republican Party: unilateral action overseas, antipathy toward the United Nations, and a military defense state. A reworking of orientalist ideology was a vital part of what made the New Right "new." As a result, crusading conservatism has permanently shaped perceptions of the U.S. abroad, influencing how other nations have understood and reacted to our foreign policy.; Chapters 1 and 3 analyze the roles of Robert Taft and William Knowland, two U.S. Senators who legitimized internationalism as a way to challenge liberal consensus. Chapters 2 and 4 focus on Alfred Kohlberg (architect of the China Lobby) and Robert Welch (founder of the John Birch Society), Asia First activists who organized the popular Right. By alternating between elite and grassroots leaders, the narrative demonstrates a connection forged by Asia First and translated into a unity that culminated with Barry Goldwater's presidential nomination at the 1964 GOP convention, the subject of Chapter 5. Extending beyond party politics, the coda examines the Hawaiian statehood debate; it seeks to show the fissures within conservative internationalism, specifically the Right's difficulty in resolving largesse abroad with racial discrimination at home during the Cold War.