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At the helm of the creation: The world system and post-World War II United States military occupation in Germany and Korea.

机译:创造的掌舵者:世界体系和第二次世界大战后美国在德国和韩国的军事占领。

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摘要

A lingering puzzle in the studies of post-World War II American foreign policy is why US Cold War policy in industrialized democracies diverged from its approach in less-developed countries; why America, in containing subversive forces, emphasized industrial expansion in Western Europe, but "policing operations" in the Third World. This question carries weight in that a probe for its answer could not only illuminate the nature of Cold War conflict but also explain America's still uneasy relations with some less-developed countries. Building on world system theory but expanding it further, I argue that politico-economic attributes of the region, toward which US policy is directed, account for the disparate outcomes. As the hegemonic power, the United States after World War II bore the brunt of tearing down obstacles that hampered the expansion of the market economy and its "political underpinning," liberal democracy. An array of challenges to this task was not uniform, however, because distinctive political development ensued in different parts of the capitalist system. High-profit business undertakings afforded the core a viable capital-labor alliance in the mid-20th century. Politics overall stable here, the United States encountered little systemic threat and dispensed with heavy-handed interventionism. In postwar Germany, the United States groomed the ally as the engine of European recovery by facilitating reindustrialization. Presence of capital-intensive industries bequeathed West Germany flexible labor-management relations, and the reign of liberal democracy obviated the need of hegemonic intervention. Low value-added economic activities in the periphery, in the meantime, rendered interclass compromise not feasible. Utilizing manual labor extensively, factory owners and landlords here were ill disposed towards economic concessions and working-class empowerment. Impoverished, disenfranchised workers/peasants frequently threatened the survival of free market, and this triggered America's armed intervention. Post-colonial Korea inherited the agitated masses, who suffered through the feudalistic land tenure system and the police state under the Japanese rule. Upon liberation, awakened workers/peasants formed grassroots organizations and called for thorough political, economic reform. Because these revolutionaries could not be co-opted, the United States neutralized them with force and aligned the emerging South Korean republic with the anti-Communist bloc.
机译:二战后美国外交政策中一个挥之不去的难题是,为什么工业化民主国家的美国冷战政策与欠发达国家的做法背道而驰。为什么美国在遏制颠覆力量时强调了西欧的工业扩张,却强调了第三世界的“警务行动”。这个问题的重要性在于,对其答案的探究不仅可以阐明冷战冲突的性质,而且可以解释美国与一些欠发达国家之间仍然不安的关系。我以世界体系理论为基础,但对其进行了进一步扩展,我认为,美国政策所针对的地区的政治经济属性导致了不同的结果。作为霸权大国,第二次世界大战后的美国首当其冲,是拆除阻碍市场经济扩张及其“政治基础”自由民主的障碍。但是,由于在资本主义制度的不同部分随之而来的独特的政治发展,对这一任务提出的一系列挑战并不统一。高利润的商业活动在20世纪中期为核心企业提供了可行的资本劳工联盟。在这里,政治总体稳定,美国几乎没有受到系统性威胁,而是实行了强硬的干预主义。在战后德国,美国通过促进重新工业化来培养盟友作为欧洲复苏的引擎。资本密集型产业的存在遗留了西德灵活的劳资关系,而自由民主的统治则消除了霸权主义干预的需要。同时,外围地区低附加值的经济活动使阶级间的妥协不可行。广泛使用体力劳动的工厂老板和房东在经济优惠和工人阶级赋权方面得不到应有的待遇。贫穷,被剥夺权利的工人/农民经常威胁到自由市场的生存,这引发了美国的武装干预。后殖民时期的朝鲜继承了激进的群众,他们在日本统治下的封建土地保有权制度和警察国家中受苦。解放后,觉醒的工人/农民成立了基层组织,并呼吁进行彻底的政治,经济改革。由于无法吸收这些革命者,美国用武力消灭了他们,并使新兴的韩国共和国与反共集团结盟。

著录项

  • 作者

    Jo, Y. Hugh.;

  • 作者单位

    State University of New York at Albany.;

  • 授予单位 State University of New York at Albany.;
  • 学科 History Asia Australia and Oceania.; History European.; History United States.; Political Science International Law and Relations.; Sociology Social Structure and Development.; History Military.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2007
  • 页码 302 p.
  • 总页数 302
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 世界史;欧洲史;美洲史;国际法;社会结构和社会关系;
  • 关键词

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