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The power of history and memory: National 'patriotic education' and China's conflict behavior in crises with the United States, 1991--2001.

机译:历史和记忆的力量:国家“爱国主义教育”和中国在与美国的危机中的冲突行为,1991--2001年。

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摘要

This dissertation explores what happens to politics when historical hatred, national humiliation, and insecurity come to the center of political discourse. In particular, it examines how the Chinese people's collective historical consciousness about the country's traumatic national experience, combined with the state's political use of the past, have become powerful forces in the way China conceptualizes, manages, and resolves external conflict. It represents the first systematic research concerning the politics of history and memory in Chinese domestic politics and foreign-policy decision-making.; The research focuses initially on how China's humiliating modern history has been used by the communist government to conduct national ideological re-education. In 1991, the government launched the "Patriotic Education Campaign" to reinvigorate the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership and to fill the "spiritual vacuum" given the bankruptcy of official Marxist and Maoist ideology. During this process, the new content of history and memory has become institutionalized in China's education system, popular culture, and public media.; The dissertation then explores the impact of this institutionalized historical consciousness on political discourse and foreign policy through three recent crises between China and the U.S.: the 1995-96 "Taiwan Strait confrontation, the 1999 Belgrade embassy bombing, and the 2001 EP-3 crisis. Findings indicate that historical memory very often serves as a major motivating factor in international conflict, especially when the confrontation is perceived as an assault on the nation's fundamental identity, face, and authority. In particular, the historical memory variable helps explain why China generally cooperated with the U.S. in the same period of time but turned aggressive in these three incidents, as well as why China has treated the U.S. differently from other countries when managing conflict. This study argues that even though existing theories and explanations illuminate certain aspects of China's conflict behavior, a full explanatory picture emerges only after these actions are analyzed through the lens of history and memory.; This research also aims to contribute to methodological discussions concerning the use of identity as a variable to explain political action. Evidence is gathered from a large volume of history textbooks, official documents, memoirs, and interviews.
机译:本文探讨了当历史仇恨,民族屈辱和不安全成为政治话语的中心时,政治将如何应对。尤其是,它考察了中国人民关于该国遭受创伤的民族经历的集体历史意识,以及该国对过去的政治运用,如何成为中国概念化,管理和解决外部冲突的强大力量。它是中国国内政治和外交政策决策中有关历史和记忆政治的第一项系统研究。该研究最初关注的是共产党政府如何利用中国屈辱的现代历史进行民族思想教育。 1991年,政府发起了“爱国主义教育运动”,以重振天安门后领导人的合法性,并填补了官方马克思主义和毛泽东思想体系破产的“精神真空”。在此过程中,历史和记忆的新内容已在中国的教育体系,大众文化和公共媒体中制度化。然后,论文通过中美之间最近发生的三场危机探讨了这种制度化的历史意识对政治话语和外交政策的影响:1995-96年的“台湾海峡对抗,1999年的贝尔格莱德使馆爆炸和2001年的EP-3危机”。研究结果表明,历史记忆常常是国际冲突的主要推动因素,特别是当对抗被视为对国家基本身份,面貌和权威的攻击时,特别是历史记忆变量有助于解释为什么中国总体上进行合作该研究认为,即使现有的理论和解释阐明了中国冲突的某些方面,但在同一时期与美国却在这三起事件中表现出侵略性,以及为什么中国在处理冲突时对待美国与其他国家有所不同行为,只有这些动作是通过历史和记忆的角度进行分析。这项研究还旨在促进有关使用身份作为变量来解释政治行为的方法论讨论。证据是从大量历史教科书,正式文件,回忆录和访谈中收集的。

著录项

  • 作者

    Wang, Zheng.;

  • 作者单位

    George Mason University.;

  • 授予单位 George Mason University.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.; Political Science International Law and Relations.; History Asia Australia and Oceania.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2006
  • 页码 304 p.
  • 总页数 304
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;国际法;世界史;
  • 关键词

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