首页> 外文学位 >Political influence and the Commander in Chief: Congress, the president, and war powers.
【24h】

Political influence and the Commander in Chief: Congress, the president, and war powers.

机译:政治影响力和总司令:国会,总统和战争权。

获取原文
获取原文并翻译 | 示例

摘要

This project brings aspects of international relations and American politics together in an examination of war powers politics between the president and Congress. My specific research question stems from an observation on the familiar constitutional separation of war powers. Congress is supposed to declare or authorize wars, the president is supposed to direct the overall war effort and protect the nation from attack. Yet, armed attacks against the United States are historically rare, as are declarations of war and congressional authorizations for the use of force. What is not rare, however, is the actual use of military force. American troops have been deployed into combat situations hundreds of times in the nation's history. Thus emerges a basic puzzle: given the constitutional framework, and institutional incentives of the executive and legislative branches, does war powers control in fact reside with Congress? More directly, does Congress have any meaningful war powers?; I frame the congressional-presidential relationship in principal-agent terms, and suggest that the president's unilateral authority and ability to control the war powers agenda largely relegates Congress to a position of indirect influence. I test for evidence of congressional influence in two areas: the initial decision to employ military force and the factors affecting the duration of military operations. I then examine the political and situational factors that influence Congress to confront the president through war-related hearings.; While evidence does not point to a direct congressional role in the war powers arena, results indicate that a long-term, more indirect form of congressional influence may exist in such areas as economic aid, permanent troop deployments, and potential presidential consultation with congressional leaders. Framed against the background of the 2006 midterm elections, this study suggests that scholars and other observers may do well to focus less on direct constraint, and instead turn their attention to the broader ways in which Congress responds and influences the president.
机译:该项目通过对总统与国会之间的战争权力政治进行考察,将国际关系和美国政治的各个方面结合在一起。我的具体研究问题来自对熟悉的战争权宪法分离的观察。国会应该宣战或批准战争,总统应该指挥整个战争,并保护国家不受攻击。但是,在历史上很少发生针对美国的武装袭击,宣战和国会授权使用武力的情况很少见。但是,实际使用军事力量并不罕见。在美国历史上,美军已经数百次部署到战斗中。因此出现了一个基本难题:在宪法框架以及行政和立法部门的制度激励下,战争权力的控制权实际上是否由国会掌握?更直接地说,国会有任何有意义的战争权力吗?我以委托代理的方式来构建国会与总统的关系,并建议总统的单方面权力和控制战争权力议程的能力在很大程度上使国会处于间接影响的地位。我在两个方面测试了国会影响的证据:最初决定使用军事力量和影响军事行动时间的因素。然后,我研究了影响国会通过与战争有关的听证会与总统对抗的政治和局势因素。尽管没有证据表明国会在战争大国舞台上具有直接作用,但结果表明,在经济援助,永久性部队部署以及可能与国会领导人进行总统磋商等领域,可能存在长期,更间接的国会影响形式。在2006年中期选举的背景下进行的这项研究表明,学者和其他观察者可能做得很好,可以减少对直接约束的关注,而将注意力转移到国会回应和影响总统的更广泛方式上。

著录项

  • 作者

    Foster, Joseph Richard.;

  • 作者单位

    University of South Carolina.;

  • 授予单位 University of South Carolina.;
  • 学科 Political Science General.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2006
  • 页码 202 p.
  • 总页数 202
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 政治理论;
  • 关键词

相似文献

  • 外文文献
  • 中文文献
  • 专利
获取原文

客服邮箱:kefu@zhangqiaokeyan.com

京公网安备:11010802029741号 ICP备案号:京ICP备15016152号-6 六维联合信息科技 (北京) 有限公司©版权所有
  • 客服微信

  • 服务号