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Islamic groups, strategic adaptation, and democratization in Indonesia.

机译:伊斯兰团体,战略适应和印度尼西亚的民主化。

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摘要

Can Islamic groups play a positive role in democratization? If so, under what conditions? I examine the case of Indonesia, where Islamic actors variously resisted, supported, and acquiesced with a secularist dictatorship over three decades. At the beginning of that timeframe, the two major Islamic groups espoused syariah and the integration of religious authority into the state. But by the end of it, one of them had made an ideological shift to support pluralism. How did this change come about? How did it contribute to the outcome of regime transition?;Much of the scholarship on Islamic groups treats ideology as a primary motivation or, more recently, focuses on regime rules and policies. How and why Islamic groups themselves make decisions is understudied. This dissertation proposes that the answer to the puzzle presented above lies in the incentives that shape social choice and the costs of collective action for Islamic groups as political organizations. It explores two key variables: (1) how opposition parties under dictatorships mobilize support from their base, and (2) how the organizations are structured. These factors determine a group's ideological adaptability and shape the survival strategies that Islamic groups devise in response to autocratic regime policies. Such adaptations affect their later behavior in the transitional period. Democracy results when religious groups make different strategic decisions and are divided.;Outlining several distinct time periods, I examine how the Indonesian state's approach to Islamic groups defines opportunities and constraints. I then explore the other side of the puzzle---the internal dynamics of Islamic groups that stem from variable organizational and mobilizational attributes. Ideology functions as an intermediate factor in my explanation, both a cause and a product of political dynamics. My model combines analytical tools from strategic and mobilization approaches to explain the behavior of Islamic groups. It shows that an Islamic group functions as a democratizing force when its strategic considerations and its capacity for flexibility lead it to co-operate with secular actors, standing in the way of a religious autocracy on the one hand and discouraging a military takeover on the other.
机译:伊斯兰团体可以在民主化中发挥积极作用吗?如果可以,在什么条件下?我考察了印度尼西亚的情况,在过去的三十年中,伊斯兰行为者不同程度地抵抗,支持并默许了世俗主义专政。在这段时间开始之初,两个主要的伊斯兰团体拥护回教徒,并将宗教权威纳入该州。但是到最后,其中一个已经进行了意识形态转变,以支持多元化。这种变化是如何产生的?它对政权过渡的结果有何贡献?;许多有关伊斯兰团体的奖学金都将意识形态视为主要动机,或者最近将重点放在政权规则和政策上。伊斯兰团体自己如何以及为什么做出决定,这一点尚待研究。本文提出,上述难题的答案在于影响社会选择的动机以及形成伊斯兰团体作为政治组织的集体行动的成本。它探讨了两个关键变量:(1)独裁统治下的反对党如何动员其基础的支持;(2)组织的结构。这些因素决定了一个群体的意识形态适应能力,并塑造了伊斯兰群体针对专制政权政策制定的生存策略。这种适应会影响他们在过渡时期的后期行为。当宗教团体做出不同的战略决策并分裂时,就会产生民主。概述了几个不同的时期,我研究了印尼政府对伊斯兰团体的态度如何定义了机遇和制约因素。然后,我探索难题的另一面-伊斯兰团体的内部动力,这些动力来自可变的组织和动员属性。在我的解释中,意识形态是一个中间因素,既是政治动力的原因,又是政治动力的产物。我的模型结合了战略和动员方法的分析工具,以解释伊斯兰团体的行为。它表明,当一个伊斯兰集团的战略考虑和灵活性使它与世俗行为者合作时,它充当民主力量,一方面阻碍宗教专制,另一方面不鼓励军事接管。 。

著录项

  • 作者

    Leong, LaiYee.;

  • 作者单位

    Yale University.;

  • 授予单位 Yale University.;
  • 学科 Religion General.;Political Science General.;History Asia Australia and Oceania.
  • 学位 Ph.D.
  • 年度 2008
  • 页码 498 p.
  • 总页数 498
  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类
  • 关键词

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