首页> 外文会议>Small nations and colonial peripheries in World War I >Fighting for the Tsar, Fighting against the Tsar: The Use of Folk Culture to Mobilize the Tatar Population during World War Ⅰ and the Russian Revolution (1914-1921)
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Fighting for the Tsar, Fighting against the Tsar: The Use of Folk Culture to Mobilize the Tatar Population during World War Ⅰ and the Russian Revolution (1914-1921)

机译:为沙皇而战,与沙皇为战:在第一次世界大战和俄国大革命期间(1914-1921)利用民俗文化动员塔塔尔族人口

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From the late 1800s, modernist clergy, education reformers and liberal and socialist activists in the Volga-Ural Muslim community appropriated, re-wrote and subverted popular Islamic literature and folk genres as a means of inculcating Russian Muslim peasants with new sets of values. During the Great War and Russian revolutions, this practice was expanded from internal community discussions of Islam and morality to empire-wide political topics, including loyalty to the empire and the construction of a new Soviet order. In some respects, this transformation mirrored the production of Russian-language propaganda during the same period. At the same time, however, the processes of creating folklore and attempting to speak the language of the peasant as they unfolded in the Volga-Ural Muslim community were also shaped by the internal culture of that community and by its peculiar position as a linguistically alien minority within the empire. In times of war and revolution, the imperial and Soviet governments relied on educated elites within the ethnic community to translate messages into language and form comprehensible to the non-Russian masses. The upbringing and education of these elites, in turn, shaped the way that they conceived of their own community's peasants and lower orders and the forms through which they chose to communicate with them. The result, in the Volga-Ural Muslim (or Tatar) case, was the creation of a literature the structure of which was borrowed from below while the content came from above (from the imperial Russian, Ottoman or Soviet governments), and which was generated primarily by members of the community. The multiple deconstructions and re-constructions of Russian society that occurred between 1905 and 1921 caused successive re-orderings of the political, social and ideological landscapes. Across this period, however, the ruling governments and their native intermediaries relied upon the same strategies to inform Muslims peasants of these changes. There was not only a continuity in propaganda strategies and writing personnel across the revolutionary divide (and, indeed, across imperial borders, in the case of the German-Ottoman propaganda effort), but also a continuity of understanding of how a particular non-Russian peasant society consumed text and internalized information. Thus, while in some ways the Great War and the Russian Revolutions precipitated a decolonization of the Russian Empire, these events also refined and expanded practices of government-minority relations that were bom under the old regime but were retained under the new one.
机译:从1800年代后期开始,伏尔加-乌拉尔穆斯林社区的现代神职人员,教育改革者以及自由主义和社会主义活动家挪用,重写和颠覆了流行的伊斯兰文学和民间流派,以此方式向俄国的穆斯林农民灌输新的价值观。在大战和俄国革命期间,这种做法从内部社区对伊斯兰教义和道德的讨论扩展到整个帝国的政治话题,包括对帝国的忠诚和建立新的苏联秩序。在某些方面,这种转变反映了同一时期俄语宣传的产生。但是,与此同时,在伏尔加河-乌拉尔穆斯林社区发展的民间文学艺术和尝试说农民语言的过程,也受到该社区的内​​部文化及其作为语言外来者的特殊地位的影响。帝国内部的少数派。在战争和革命时期,帝国和苏维埃政府依靠种族社区中受过良好教育的精英将信息翻译成语言,并形成非俄罗斯人民可以理解的形式。这些精英的成长和教育反过来塑造了他们对自己社区的农民和低下阶层的观念,以及他们选择与他们交流的形式。在伏尔加-乌拉尔穆斯林(或塔塔尔族)的案例中,其结果是创造了一种文学,该文学的结构是从下层借来的,而内容是从上层(来自帝国俄国,奥斯曼帝国或苏维埃政府)借来的,主要由社区成员生成。 1905年至1921年间发生的俄国社会的多重解构和重构导致了政治,社会和意识形态格局的连续重新排序。然而,在此期间,执政政府及其本地中介机构都采用相同的策略将这些变化告知穆斯林农民。不仅在革命鸿沟上(甚至在德奥帝国主义的宣传中,实际上跨越了帝国边界),宣传策略和人员写作都具有连续性,而且对特定非俄罗斯人的理解方式也具有连续性农民社会消费了文本和内部信息。因此,虽然从某种意义上说,大战和俄国革命促成了俄罗斯帝国的非殖民化,但这些事件也完善和扩大了政府与少数族裔之间的关系,而这种关系在旧政权下是蓬勃发展的,但在新政权下却保留了下来。

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