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BANGALORE'S DEPRIVED CHILDREN: A CONTINUING SYSTEMIC FAILURE

机译:班加罗尔被剥夺儿童:一个持续的全身失败

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In recent years, the pressure on urban centres in India has increased dramatically. Urbanisation as a process of socio-economic transformation should lead to an upward shift in the scale of development, associated with an improvement in the quality of life and environment. Unfortunately, in Bangalore, it has been both sectorally and spatially imbalanced. The natural growth rate and a high level of rural-urban migration together have resulted in high population densities. Thus, slums with inadequate civic amenities and community facilities have mushroomed (TECSOK et al, 1989). Given the inability of urban markets to absorb and remunerate an inadequately skilled or trained workforce, high levels of poverty and inequality have emerged. Within this context, urban deprived children belong to a category that deserves special attention. On the one hand, external factors contrive to deprive them of a childhood, and on the other, virtually assure them an insecure future. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) ratified by India in 1992 sets universal legal standards for the protection against neglect, abuse and exploitation. It also guarantees their basic human rights including survival, development and full participation in social, cultural, education and other endeavours necessary for their individual growth and well-being (GOK, DCWD, 1994 After India's independence in 1947, its Constitution articulated its concern for the status of the child through numerous provisions germane to the development of children. These have been given clear policy articulation through laws and policies such as the following: · Rights of the Child - 1959; · National Policy for Children (NPA) - 1974; · National Health Policy - 1982; · Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act - 1986; · National Policy on Education - 1986 / 1992; · Infant Milk Substitutes, Feeding Bottles and Infant Foods Act - 1992; · National Policy on Nutrition - 1993. India's National Plan of Action for Children has been followed by State Programmes of Action for the Child including in Karnataka, 1994. The Supreme Court has also, of late, made landmark judgements, banning child labour and elevating the right to basic education to the stature of a fundamental right. These acts and policies have further developed into schemes for redressing the situation faced by deprived children. The extent to which rhetoric has been translated into reality clearly merits examination.
机译:近年来,印度城市中心的压力急剧增加。城市化作为社会经济转型的过程应导致发展规模上升,与生活质量和环境的改善有关。不幸的是,在班加罗尔,它一直是障碍和空间上的不平衡。自然增长率和高水平的农村城市迁移使得人口密度高。因此,贫民窟的贫民窟与社区设施和社区设施不足(Tecsok等,1989)。鉴于城市市场无法吸收和偿还不充分的熟练或训练有素的劳动力,贫困和不平等的不足。在这种背景下,城市被剥夺的儿童属于一个值得特别关注的类别。一方面,对剥夺他们童年时期的外部因素,而另一方面,实际上证实向他们保证了不安全的未来。 1992年印度批准的儿童权利公约(CRC)规定了保护防止疏忽,滥用和剥削的普遍法律标准。它还保证了他们的基本人权,包括生存,发展和全面参与社会,文化,教育和其他人的个人成长和福祉所必需的努力(1947年印度独立后,其宪法阐述了其关注通过众多规定救世主对儿童的发展的地位。这些通过以下法律和政策得到了明确的政策阐述:·儿童权利 - 1959;·儿童国家政策(NPA) - 1974年; ·国家卫生政策 - 1982年;·童工(禁止和监管)法案 - 1986年;·国家教育政策 - 1986/192;·婴儿牛奶替代品,饲料瓶和婴儿食品法案 - 1992;·国家营养政策 - 1993 。印度的国家儿童行动计划遵循了儿童的国家行动方案,包括在Karnataka,1994年。最高法院也有迟到的地标判决,禁止童工并将基本教育权提升到基本权利的身材。这些行为和政策进一步发展成为剥夺儿童面临的情况的计划。修辞转化为现实的程度明确审查。

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