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How do urban people in China form stigmatization on rural-to-urban migrant children?

机译:中国城市居民如何对农村流动儿童进行侮辱?

摘要

1. Introduction and problem statementSince China’s economic reform 30 years ago, it started to experience the most extensive internal rural-to-urban migration. According to the Sixth National Population Census in 2010, there are a total number of 260 million migrants, among which 42 million are migrant children aged from 0 to 14. Although migrant populations are the engines of China’s spectacular economic growth, previous studies on migrant workers and migrant children showed that they experience institutional, interpersonal discrimination and stigmatization in the host cities. Academia has not reached a single definition of stigma and stigmatization. But most described stigma as having an attribute that is socially salient to others. This attribute is also associated with undesirable and negative stereotypes, which further leads to separation, discrimination and status loss. Previous studies also showed that stigma has negative effects on children because it would reduce their self-esteem and confidence. They are more vulnerable than adults because they do not have control over the situation. Long-term exposure to stigma will lead to withdrawal, depression and other psychological problems.Previous studies on stigma showed that a full understanding about the process and content of stigma helped combat stigma. As a result, in order to prevent the negative outcomes and reduce stigma, the Dandelion School proposed this study to gain a deeper understanding about stigma toward migrant children. The main purpose of this study, as required by the client, was to explore how urban residents form stigmatization on migrant children. Thus, this study generated implications for the client to conduct anti-stigma campaigns in future. 2. Data and methodologyThis study adopted Link and Phelan’s conceptualizing of stigma as the framework. Following this framework, the study explored how urban residents label, stereotype and separate migrant children. It also analyzed why urban residents stigmatize migrant children. Considering the exploratory nature, this study used in-depth interviews with the perpetrators of stigma. This study adopted several criteria for recruiting interviews participants to reflect a wide range of educational level, occupation, age, gender, marital status and home location. Parent and teacher participants were referred by the author’s English teacher in middle school. The rest were voluntarily recruited online. Interviews were conducted via face-to-face and telephone. Based on interview questions that have been tested by previous studies, the author prepared a list of questions to cover during the conversion. The questions were divided based on the framework of stigma. But questions varied according to the proceeding of the conversation. 3. Key findingsThis study found that, similar to urban residents’ impression about migrant workers, attributes that lead to labeling include appearance, facial expression, behavior in public and manner of speaking. Because of a lack of matched colors and low quality, migrant children’s overall clothing gave a sense of mess and disarray. Since they lived a marginalized life in the host city, they acted timid, avoided eye contact and violated social norm in public area. Their strong regional accent was salient in the host city where the local dialect is prevalent. Participants depicted migrant children in a way similar to that of migrant workers because traditional Chinese belief thinks that parents are the teacher of their children. Thus, in the eye of urban residents, migrant children were believed to be lacking discipline and bad mannered. Influenced by media news and stereotypes about migrant workers, they also believed that migrant children received little supervision from their parents thus acting reckless. But migrant children are more innocent and simpler than urban children because they care less about material pursuit and comparison.This study identified four reasons why participants separated and rejected migrant children. The most frequently mention reason was the huge difference in culture, lifestyle and custom. Participants, particularly those with little children, were afraid that migrant children would negatively affect their young children. Some participants believed that the huge difference in living standard would automatically and gradually separate migrant children from urban people. A small number of participants regarded the institutional difference in Hukou status. Participants stigmatized migrant children mainly because they regarded themselves as the ingroup. Based on the ingroup favoritism theory, urban people stigmatize the outgroup, migrant children, when they perceive potential threats from them. Potential threats include cultural invasion and occupying of public resources. Some also stigmatized because they would like to maintain the status quo. Urban residents were in an absolute advantageous position over migrant children. Thus, they justified their stigmatization hoping to maintain the advantage. 4. Implication This study found that, consistent with the literature on stigma, the process of stigmatization happened almost automatically. This automatic nature posed huge difficulty in reducing stigma. Thus, in order to combat the stigma on migrant children and change the stereotypes, campaigns should target on the young generation who are still forming their views. The most popular social media site in China, Sina Weibo, was therefore identified as an ideal platform because of its large young users. The client suggested an anti-stigma educational campaign that contrasts the stereotypes and incorrect beliefs about migrant children. Thus, in order to be effective, the educational campaign should provide information and examples about migrant children that are inconsistent with the stereotypes suggested in the key findings. It should also focus on why the perpetrators stigmatize providing information that relieves the concerns that give rise to urban residents’ separation and stigmatization.
机译:1.简介和问题陈述自30年前的中国经济改革以来,它开始经历了最广泛的内部农村人口向城市人口迁移。根据2010年第六次全国人口普查,共有2.6亿流动人口,其中4200万是0至14岁的流动儿童。尽管流动人口是中国经济飞速发展的引擎,但之前关于流动人口的研究流动儿童表明,他们在所在城市经历了制度上的,人际上的歧视和污名化。学术界尚未达到对污名和污名化的单一定义。但是大多数人将污名描述为具有对他人社交显着的属性。此属性还与不良的和负面的刻板印象相关联,这进一步导致分离,歧视和地位丧失。先前的研究还表明,污名会对儿童产生负面影响,因为这会降低他们的自尊心和自信心。他们比成年人更容易受到伤害,因为他们无法控制局势。长期接触耻辱会导致戒断,沮丧和其他心理问题。先前对耻辱的研究表明,对耻辱的过程和内容的充分了解有助于对抗耻辱。因此,为了防止负面结果并减少污名,蒲公英学校提出了这项研究,以加深对移徙儿童的污名的理解。根据客户的要求,本研究的主要目的是探讨城市居民如何对流动儿童形成污名。因此,这项研究为客户将来开展反耻辱活动带来了启示。 2.数据和方法本研究采用Link和Phelan的污名化概念作为框架。在此框架下,研究探索了城市居民如何标记,刻板印象和如何区分流动儿童。它还分析了为什么城市居民给移民儿童蒙上了污名。考虑到探索的性质,本研究对耻辱的肇事者进行了深入访谈。这项研究采用了一些标准来招募面试参与者,以反映广泛的教育水平,职业,年龄,性别,婚姻状况和家庭住址。家长和老师的参与者由作者的中学英语老师推荐。其余人是自愿在网上招聘的。访谈通过面对面和电话进行。基于先前研究测试过的访谈问题,作者准备了转换期间要涵盖的问题列表。这些问题是根据污名的框架划分的。但是根据对话的进行,问题有所不同。 3.主要发现这项研究发现,类似于城市居民对农民工的印象,导致标签化的属性包括外观,面部表情,公众行为和说话方式。由于缺乏匹配的色彩和质量低劣,流动儿童的整体服装给人以混乱和混乱感。由于他们在所在城市过着边缘化的生活,因此他们胆小,避免目光接触并违反了公共场所的社会规范。他们强烈的区域口音在当地方言盛行的所在城市十分突出。参加者描绘农民工子女的方式与农民工相似,因为传统的中国信仰认为父母是子女的老师。因此,在城市居民眼中,人们认为流动儿童缺乏纪律和举止不好。受媒体新闻和关于农民工的陈规定型观念的影响,他们还认为,农民工子女很少受到父母的监督,因此鲁acting行事。但由于流动儿童较不关心物质追求和比较,因此他们比城市儿童更加天真和简单。本研究确定了参与者分离和拒绝流动儿童的四个原因。最常被提及的原因是文化,生活方式和习俗上的巨大差异。参加者,特别是有小孩的参加者,担心外来的子女会对他们的幼儿产生负面影响。一些与会者认为,生活水平的巨大差异将使移民儿童自动与城市人逐渐隔离。少数参与者认为户籍状况存在制度差异。参加者给移民儿童蒙上了污名,主要是因为他们将自己视为群体。基于群体内偏爱理论,当城市居民意识到外来移民儿童的潜在威胁时,他们会给他们加上污名。潜在的威胁包括文化入侵和占用公共资源。有些人还因为他们想维持现状而受到侮辱。与流动儿童相比,城市居民处于绝对有利的地位。从而,他们证明了自己的污名化以希望保持优势。 4.暗示该研究发现,与关于污名的文献一致,污名化的过程几乎是自动发生的。这种自动的性质在减少污名上有巨大的困难。因此,为了消除对移徙儿童的污名并改变陈规定型观念,运动应针对仍在形成自己观点的年轻一代。因此,中国最受欢迎的社交媒体网站新浪微博因其庞大的年轻用户而被认为是理想的平台。客户提出了一项反耻辱教育运动,该运动与对移民儿童的陈规定型观念和错误信念形成了鲜明对比。因此,为了有效,教育运动应提供有关移民儿童的信息和实例,这些信息和实例与关键发现中所建议的定型观念不一致。它还应关注犯罪者为什么会污蔑提供信息,以减轻引起城市居民分离和污名化的担忧。

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    Gan Xiaofei;

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  • 年度 2014
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