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Micro-family-owned business : transitory survival mechanism or long term wealth creator?

机译:微型家族企业:暂时的生存机制还是长期的财富创造者?

摘要

Principal Topic:ududEntrepreneurship is key to employment, innovation and growth (Acs & Mueller, 2008), and as such, has been the subject of tremendous research in both the economic and management literatures since Solow (1957), Schumpeter (1934, 1943), and Penrose (1959). The presence of entrepreneurs in the economy is a key factor in the success or failure of countries to grow (Audretsch and Thurik, 2001; Dejardin, 2001). Further studies focus on the conditions of existence of entrepreneurship, influential factors invoked are historical, cultural, social, institutional, or purely economic (North, 1997; Thurik 1996 & 1999). Of particular interest, beyond the reasons behind the existence of entrepreneurship, are entrepreneurial survival and good ''performance'' factors. Using cross-country firm data analysis, La Porta & Schleifer (2008) confirm that informal micro-businesses provide on average half of all economic activity in developing countries. They find that these are utterly unproductive compared to formal firms, and conclude that the informal sector serves as a social security net ''keep[ing] millions of people alive, but disappearing over time'' (abstract). Robison (1986), Hill (1996, 1997) posit that the Indonesian government under Suharto always pointed to the lack of indigenous entrepreneurship , thereby motivating the nationalisation of all industries. Furthermore, the same literature also points to the fact that small businesses were mostly left out of development programmes because they were supposed less productive and having less productivity potential than larger ones. Vial (2008) challenges this view and shows that small firms represent about 70% of firms, 12% of total output, but contribute to 25% of total factor productivity growth on average over the period 1975-94 in the industrial sector (Table 10, p.316). ----------udududMethodology/Key Propositions: ududA review of the empirical literature points at several under-researched questions. Firstly, we assess whether there is, evidence of small family-business entrepreneurship in Indonesia. Secondly, we examine and present the characteristics of these enterprises, along with the size of the sector, and its dynamics. Thirdly, we study whether these enterprises underperform compared to the larger scale industrial sector, as it is suggested in the literature. We reconsider performance measurements for micro-family owned businesses. We suggest that, beside productivity measures, performance could be appraised by both the survival probability of the firm, and by the amount of household assets formation. We compare micro-family-owned and larger industrial firms' survival probabilities after the 1997 crisis, their capital productivity, then compare household assets of families involved in business with those who do not. Finally, we examine human and social capital as moderators of enterprises' performance. In particular, we assess whether a higher level of education and community participation have an effect on the likelihood of running a family business, and whether it has an impact on households' assets level. We use the IFLS database compiled and published by RAND Corporation. The data is a rich community, households, and individuals panel dataset in four waves: 1993, 1997, 2000, 2007. We now focus on the waves 1997 and 2000 in order to investigate entrepreneurship behaviours in turbulent times, i.e. the 1997 Asian crisis. We use aggregate individual data, and focus on households data in order to study micro-family-owned businesses. IFLS data covers roughly 7,600 households in 1997 and over 10,000 households in 2000, with about 95% of 1997 households re-interviewed in 2000. Households were interviewed in 13 of the 27 provinces as defined before 2001. Those 13 provinces were targeted because accounting for 83% of the population. A full description of the data is provided in Frankenberg and Thomas (2000), and Strauss et alii (2004). We deflate all monetary values in Rupiah with the World Development Indicators Consumer Price Index base 100 in 2000. ----------udududResults and Implications: ududWe find that in Indonesia, entrepreneurship is widespread and two thirds of households hold one or several family businesses. In rural areas, in 2000, 75% of households run one or several businesses. The proportion of households holding both a farm and a non farm business is higher in rural areas, underlining the reliance of rural households on self-employment, especially after the crisis. Those businesses come in various sizes from very small to larger ones. The median business production value represents less than the annual national minimum wage. Figures show that at least 75% of farm businesses produce less than the annual minimum wage, with non farm businesses being more numerous to produce the minimum wage. However, this is only one part of the story, as production is not the only ''output'' or effect of the business. We show that the survival rate of those businesses ranks between 70 and 82% after the 1997 crisis, which contrasts with the 67% survival rate for the formal industrial sector (Ter Wengel & Rodriguez, 2006). Micro Family Owned Businesses might be relatively small in terms of production, they also provide stability in times of crisis. For those businesses that provide business assets figures, we show that capital productivity is fairly high, with rates that are ten times higher for non farm businesses. Results show that households running a business have larger family assets, and households are better off in urban areas. We run a panel logit model in order to test the effect of human and social capital on the existence of businesses among households. We find that non farm businesses are more likely to appear in households with higher human and social capital situated in urban areas. Farm businesses are more likely to appear in lower human capital and rural contexts, while still being supported by community participation. The estimation of our panel data model confirm that households are more likely to have higher family assets if situated in urban area, the higher the education level, the larger the assets, and running a business increase the likelihood of having larger assets. This is especially true for non farm businesses that have a clearly larger and more significant effect on assets than farm businesses. Finally, social capital in the form of community participation also has a positive effect on assets. Those results confirm the existence of a strong entrepreneurship culture among Indonesian households. Investigating survival rates also shows that those businesses are quite stable, even in the face of a violent crisis such as the 1997 one, and as a result, can provide a safety net. Finally, considering household assets - the returns of business to the household, rather than profit or productivity - the returns of business to itself, shows that households running a business are better off. While we demonstrate that uman and social capital are key to business existence, survival and performance, those results open avenues for further research regarding the factors that could hamper growth of those businesses in terms of output and employment.udud
机译:主要主题: ud ud企业家精神是就业,创新和增长的关键(Acs和Mueller,2008年),因此,自Solow(1957年),Schumpeter(1934年)以来,它一直是经济和管理文献研究的主题。 (1943年)和彭罗斯(1959年)。企业家在经济中的存在是国家发展成败的关键因素(Audretsch和Thurik,2001; Dejardin,2001)。进一步的研究集中在企业家的生存条件上,所涉及的影响因素是历史,文化,社会,制度或纯粹的经济因素(North,1997; Thurik 1996&1999)。除了存在企业家精神背后的原因外,特别令人感兴趣的是企业家生存和良好的“绩效”因素。 La Porta&Schleifer(2008)使用跨国公司数据分析证实,非正式微型企业平均提供了发展中国家所有经济活动的一半。他们发现,与正规公司相比,它们完全没有生产力,并得出结论,非正规部门作为一种社会保障网“使数百万人活着,但随着时间的流逝而消失”(抽象)。 Robison(1986),Hill(1996,1997)认为,在苏哈托领导下的印度尼西亚政府一直指出缺乏土著企业家精神,从而促使所有行业国有化。此外,相同的文献还指出了这样一个事实,即小企业与大企业相比,生产力低,生产力潜力小,因此大多被排除在发展计划之外。 Vial(2008)对这一观点提出了挑战,表明在1975-94年间,小企业约占企业的70%,占总产出的12%,但对工业部门的平均要素生产率的增长贡献了25%(表10)。 ,第316页)。 ---------- ud ud ud方法论/关键命题: ud ud对实证文献的回顾指出了一些未充分研究的问题。首先,我们评估印尼是否有小型家族企业创业的证据。其次,我们研究并介绍了这些企业的特征,行业规模及其动态。第三,我们研究了与大型工业部门相比,这些企业是否表现不佳,正如文献所暗示的那样。我们重新考虑了微型家族企业的绩效评估。我们建议,除了生产率指标外,还可以通过企业的生存概率和家庭资产形成的数量来评估绩效。我们比较了1997年危机之后的微型家族拥有的大型工业公司的生存概率,它们的资本生产率,然后比较了从事商业的家庭与没有从事商业的家庭的家庭资产。最后,我们考察了人力和社会资本作为企业绩效的调节者。特别是,我们评估了较高的教育程度和社区参与程度是否对经营家族企业的可能性有影响,并且是否对家庭资产水平也有影响。我们使用由RAND Corporation编译和发布的IFLS数据库。数据是由四个波浪组成的丰富的社区,家庭和个人面板数据集:1993、1997、2000、2007。为了研究动荡时期的企业家行为,即1997年的亚洲危机,我们现在专注于1997和2000年的波浪。我们使用汇总的个人数据,并专注于家庭数据,以研究微型家族拥有的企业。 IFLS的数据覆盖了1997年的大约7600户家庭和2000年的10000多个家庭,2000年对1997年的家庭进行了重新访谈,其中约95%的家庭是在2001年之前定义的27个省中的13个省进行的。人口的83%。 Frankenberg和Thomas(2000)和Strauss等人(2004)提供了有关数据的完整说明。我们以2000年世界发展指标消费者价格指数为基数来贬低卢比的所有货币价值。---------- ud ud ud结果和含义: ud ud我们发现在印度尼西亚,企业家精神是分布广泛,三分之二的家庭拥有一家或几家家族企业。在农村地区,2000年,有75%的家庭经营一家或几家企业。农村地区同时拥有农场和非农场业务的家庭比例更高,这说明农村家庭尤其是在危机之后依靠个体经营。这些企业的规模从很小到更大。企业生产价值中位数代表低于国家年度最低工资。数字显示,至少有75%的农场企业的生产低于年度最低工资,而非农场企业则更多,以产生最低工资。但是,这只是故事的一部分,因为生产不是业务的唯一“输出”或效果。我们表明,在1997年危机之后,这些企业的生存率介于70%至82%之间,而正规工业部门的生存率则为67%(Ter Wengel&Rodriguez,2006)。微型家族企业的产量可能相对较小,它们在危机时期也能提供稳定性。对于提供商业资产数字的那些企业,我们表明资本生产率相当高,非农业企业的资本生产率高出十倍。结果表明,经营企业的家庭拥有较大的家庭资产,而城市地区的家庭状况更好。我们运行面板logit模型,以测试人力资本和社会资本对家庭中企业生存的影响。我们发现,非农业企业更有可能出现在城市中人力和社会资本较高的家庭中。农场企业更可能出现在人力资本较低和农村的情况下,同时仍得到社区参与的支持。我们面板数据模型的估计证实,如果家庭位于城市地区,则家庭更有可能拥有更高的家庭资产,受教育程度越高,资产越大,而开展业务增加了拥有更大资产的可能性。对于非农场企业来说尤其如此,与农场企业相比,非农场企业对资产的影响明显更大,影响更大。最后,社区参与形式的社会资本也对资产产生积极影响。这些结果证实了印度尼西亚家庭中存在着强大的企业家文化。调查生存率还表明,即使面对诸如1997年那样的暴力危机,这些企业也相当稳定,因此可以提供一个安全网。最后,考虑家庭资产(企业对家庭的回报,而不是利润或生产率)对企业自身的回报,表明经营企业的家庭状况更好。虽然我们证明了人力资本和社会资本是企业生存,生存和绩效的关键,但这些结果为进一步研究可能阻碍这些企业的产出和就业增长的因素开辟了道路。

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