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Development Alternative Or Alternative To Development? Exploring Socio-Political Transformation In The Bolivarian Revolution

机译:发展的替代方案还是发展的替代方案?探索玻利瓦尔革命中的社会政治转型

摘要

This thesis explores the contemporary mass social and political process in Venezuela referred to as the Bolivarian Revolution. Through a historical sociological approach that stresses the inseparability of history and sociology in understanding social reality, I attempt to discover the transformative nature of this socialist transition. Thus I take the 1989 Caracazo as the starting point of the Bolivarian Revolution that triumphantly took state power just one decade later, while accounting for the multiple historical influences that shaped and allowed the transformative processes to take place. An examination of the socio-historical context of Venezuela from the colonial period to 1935 reveals a unique case of a weak working-class, fragmented landowning elite, and passive peasantry. When this particular social configuration is combined with the overwhelming dominance of the oil industry, the relative social stability that makes Venezuela such a special case in Latin America becomes clear. The overview of the socio-political trajectory of Venezuela from 1935 to 1989 demonstrates how a liberal bourgeois governing system was able to exist for nearly four decades, before the demise of the neo-liberal model made possible the development of the mass popular Bolivarian movement. The implementation of IMF-approved economic policies, discrediting of the two traditional Venezuelan political parties, increased misery of the poor and working-class, and growing social consciousness and mobilization all paved the way for the political opening that allowed the diverse and mass popular Chavista movement to take power in 1999 via the electoral road. Coming to terms with Venezuela's particular social configuration and historical socio-political dynamics and the legacy of Latin American attempts at social transformation enables us to accurately analyze the current construction of the new form of socialism known as Socialismo del Siglo XXI, or "21st century socialism", which forms part of the new cycle of anti-capitalist struggles in Latin America. An analysis of the combination of social, economic, and political reforms of this new form of socialism shows that comprehensive strategies have been put into place to tackle the overconcentration of capital, class division and antagonisms, ecological degradation, racism, exploitation, and overall agony faced by the working-class and poor majority all of which are inherent to the capitalist ideology and practice (and its neo-liberal form). Among the social transformations that have been initiated are the creation of new communal forms of property relations, a dismantling of the old elite's structures of power, and increased democratization and participation in the ownership of the means of production and in local and national authority. Venezuela's "21st century socialism", therefore, is in fact creating the possibilities for alternative anti-capitalist forms of social organization and politicaleconomic models. Despite incorporating a series of transformative reforms, however, the Bolivarian Revolution represents a "development alternative" since it continues to operate under the global capitalist framework based on the accumulation of capital and economic growth. At the same time, however, certain transformative elements of this process combined together as a package (specifically the establishment of communal property, self-governed communal councils and self-managed enterprises) do constitute an "alternative to development" since they reject the concept of economic growth altogether and replace the logic of capital with a functioning rationality based on the satisfaction of human needs and the full development of human potentialities (Fagen et al. 1986). Significant progress has thus been made in terms of replacing the painfully alienated and solitary human being with new revolutionary and socialist women and men selflessly dedicated to the collective will and betterment of society, as described by Che Guevara in his 1965 book Man and Socialism in Cuba.
机译:本文探讨了委内瑞拉称为玻利瓦尔革命的当代大众社会和政治进程。通过强调历史与社会学在理解社会现实中不可分割的历史社会学方法,我试图发现这种社会主义转型的变革性。因此,我以1989年的卡拉卡佐为起点的玻利瓦尔革命,仅仅在十年后就成功地夺取了国家政权,同时也考虑了塑造和允许变革进程发生的多重历史影响。对委内瑞拉从殖民地时期到1935年的社会历史背景的考察揭示了一个独特的案例,即工人阶级薄弱,土地所有者精英分散,农民被动。当这种特殊的社会结构与石油行业的压倒性优势相结合时,使委内瑞拉成为拉丁美洲特例的相对社会稳定就变得显而易见。委内瑞拉从1935年到1989年的社会政治轨迹概述表明,在新自由主义模式消失使大众玻利瓦尔运动得以发展之前,自由资产阶级的统治体系是如何能够存在近四十年的。货币基金组织批准的经济政策的执行,委内瑞拉两个传统政党的声名狼藉,穷人和工人阶级的苦难加剧,社会意识的增强和动员起来,都为政治开放铺平了道路,这使得多样化和大众化的查维斯达成为可能运动在1999年通过选举道路上台。与委内瑞拉的特殊社会结构和历史社会政治动态以及拉丁美洲进行社会转型的尝试相结合,使我们能够准确地分析称为“ 21世纪社会主义”的新社会主义新形式的当前建构。 ”,这是拉丁美洲反资本主义斗争新周期的一部分。对这种新型社会主义形式的社会,经济和政治改革的结合进行的分析表明,已经采取了综合战略来解决资本过度集中,阶级分化和对抗,生态退化,种族主义,剥削和整体痛苦的问题。工人阶级和绝大多数穷人面临着这些,这些都是资本主义思想和实践(及其新自由主义形式)所固有的。在已经发起的社会变革中,包括建立新的公共形式的财产关系,拆除旧精英的权力结构,增加民主化程度以及对生产资料所有权以及地方和国家权力的参与。因此,委内瑞拉的“ 21世纪社会主义”实际上为替代反资本主义形式的社会组织和政治经济模式创造了可能性。尽管进行了一系列变革性改革,但玻利瓦尔革命仍然代表着“发展选择”,因为它继续在基于资本积累和经济增长的全球资本主义框架下运作。但是,与此同时,这一过程的某些变革要素作为一揽子措施结合在一起(特别是建立公共财产,自治的自治理事会和自营企业)确实构成了“发展的替代品”,因为它们拒绝了这一概念。完全以经济增长为基础,并在满足人类需求和充分发展人类潜能的基础上,以功能合理性取代资本逻辑(Fagen et al。1986)。正如切·格瓦拉(Che Guevara)在1965年的《古巴人与社会主义》一书中所描述的那样,在用新的革命和社会主义妇女和男人无私奉献社会的集体意志和改善社会上,取代了痛苦的疏远和孤独的人方面取得了重大进展。 。

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