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Positional deprivation and support for radical right and radical left parties

机译:定位剥夺和支持激进权利和激进的左派

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摘要

The rise of radical right and radical left parties surely rates among the most important I developments in recent European political economy. Such radicalism has long sim-; mered in Europe's post-War electoral politics, but the gains for radical parties and programmes have in recent years broadened and deepened. The broadening has touched countries that long resisted the radical tide, like Germany and its radical right Alternative for Germany. The broadening goes further, as many mainstream parties of the centre right and left have in recent years adopted some of the programmatic positions and rhetoric of radical parties (Van Spanje, 2010; Abou-Chadi, 2016). The deepening, meanwhile, involves the sustained electoral gains achieved by parties of both the radical right and left. On the right, this includes the Danish Freedom (DF) Party, the Dutch Party of Freedom (PW), and Italy's League [formerly known as the Lega Nord (LN)]. On the left, radical left parties like Greece's Syriza and Spain's Podemos have become as influential as, or fully overshadow, both mainstream and radical right parties. There are major differences between and among radical left and radical right parties, such as on issues of migration and redistribution (Ivarsflaten, 2008; Rooduijn et al., 2017), but the radical parties share a focus on economic and political nationalism, euro-scepticism, and anti-system/anti-elite positioning (Hooghe et al., 2002; March and Mudde, 2005; Hopkin, 2019). The broadening and deepening of such radicalism pose major challenges to economic and political policies long denning the Western democratic order, and may have unleashed potentially deeper challenges to the integrity of democracy itself.
机译:激进的权利和激进的左派的崛起肯定是近期欧洲政治经济学中最重要的我最重要的发展中的速度。这种激进主义已经长时间的SIM-;在欧洲的战后选举政治中融入,但近年来激进方和方案的收益大幅扩大和加深。扩大涉及长期抵抗激进潮流的国家,如德国及其对德国的激进替代品。扩大到近年来,正如近年来的许多主流缔约方都采用了一些方案职位和自由派党派的一些方案职位和言辞(Van Spanje,2010; Abou-Chadi,2016)。同时,深化涉及通过激进右侧和左侧的各方实现的持续的选举收益。在右侧,这包括丹麦自由(DF)派对,荷兰自由党(PW)和意大利联盟[以前称为Lega Nord(LN)]。在左边,像希腊的锡鲁兹和西班牙的扶手一样的自由基左派曾经有影响力,或完全掩盖,包括主流和激进的右派。左侧和激进的右派之间存在重大差异,例如关于移民和再分配问题(Ivarsflaten,2008; Roodujn等,2017),但激进党分享了经济和政治民族主义,欧元怀疑主义和反系统/反精英定位(Hooghe等,2002; 3月和Mudde,2005; Hopkin,2019)。这种激进主义的扩大和深化构成了对西方民主秩序的长期谴责的经济和政治政策构成重大挑战,可能对民主诚信本身的诚信造成了更深的挑战。

著录项

  • 来源
    《Economic Policy: A European Forum》 |2019年第97期|共43页
  • 作者单位

    Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research University of Amsterdam;

    Centre of Development Studies University of Cambridge;

    Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research University of Amsterdam;

    Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research University of Amsterdam;

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  • 原文格式 PDF
  • 正文语种 eng
  • 中图分类 经济;
  • 关键词

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