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The People Know Best: Situating the Counterexpertise of Populist Pipeline Opposition Movements

机译:人民了解最佳:情况介绍民粹主义管道反对派运动的体育阶段

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Critical scholarship suggests that environmental populism is either an expression of radical democracy beyond the paternalistic liberalism of mainstream environmentalism (Meyer 2008) or that it is paranoid, irrational, and merely reactive to elite technocratic governance (Swyngedouw 2010). Because both frameworks take populism to instrumentalize knowledge production, they miss how practices of counterexpertise might condition the emergence of left-populist oppositional identities. I argue that counterexpertise is a political activity not by producing an alternative epistemology but as a minor science that contests science from within and in the process shapes left-populist political coalitions. This is illustrated through research on populist responses to the Keystone XL and Dakota Access pipelines in the Great Plains region of North America, where environmentalists, landowners, and grassroots organizers sought to position themselves as experts. Through public participation in environmental review, pipeline mapping projects, and construction monitoring, environmental populists created an educational campaign concerning topics as diverse as hydrology, economics, and archaeology. Developing counterexpertise not only contested the evidence produced by oil infrastructure firms and the state but also consolidated the oppositional identity of "the people." By examining populist knowledge production within the broader field of contentious politics, I argue that we can better understand it as neither an irrational reaction nor transparently democratic but as part of a processual production of identities of resentment and resistance. One implication is that climate change denial and disinformation spread by the oil industry might be challenged by resituating science for political ends rather than renewing neutral objectivity.
机译:关键奖学金表明,环境民粹主义是一种超出主流环境保护(Meyer 2008)的家长式自由主义之外的激进民主的表达,或者它是偏执,非理性,并仅为精英技术政治的反应(Swyngedouw 2010)。因为这两个框架都乘人民致力于知识产权,因为他们错过了对左民粹主义的对立身份的出现可能会如何调节左派的出现方法。我争辩说,伯爵歧场是一种政治活动,而不是通过制作替代认识论,而是作为一个小型科学,这些科学从内部和过程中争论了左民粹主义政治联盟。这是通过对北美的大平原地区的keystone XL和Dakota访问管道的民粹主义反应的研究来说明,环境保护员,土地所有者和基层组织者试图将自己定位为专家。通过公众参与环境审查,管道映射项目和建设监测,环境民粹主义者创建了一个关于多样化的主题的教育运动,作为水文,经济学和考古学。发展强调症不仅对石油基础设施公司和州产生的证据而言,也巩固了“人民”的反对身份。通过在更广泛的争议政治领域中审查民粹主义知识产品,我认为我们可以更好地理解它既不是非理性的反应也不是透明的民主,而是作为对怨恨和抵抗的身份的处理生产的一部分。一种含义,即石油行业的气候变化拒绝和禁令可能因政治目的而受到挑剔的科学而不是更新中性客观性来挑战。

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