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首页> 外文期刊>The Journal of Law and Economics >Do Majority-Black Districts Limit Blacks' Representation? The Case of the 1990 Restricting
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Do Majority-Black Districts Limit Blacks' Representation? The Case of the 1990 Restricting

机译:多数黑人地区会限制黑人的代表权吗? 1990年限制案

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摘要

Conventional wisdom and empirical academic research conclude that creating majority-black districts decreases black representation by increasing conservatism in Congress. However, this research generally suffers from three limitations: too low a level of aggregation, lack of a counterfactual, and failure to account for the endogeneity of the creation of majority-minority districts. I compare congressional delegations from states that during the 1990 redistricting were under greater pressure to create majority-minority districts with those under lesser pressure using a difference-in-differences framework. I find no evidence that the creation of majority-minority districts leads to more conservative House delegations. In fact, point estimates, although largely statistically insignificant, indicate that states that increased their shares of majority-black districts saw their delegations grow increasingly liberal. I find similar results for majority-Latino districts in the Southwest. Thus, I find no evidence for the common view that majority-minority districts decrease minority representation in Congress.
机译:传统观点和经验学术研究得出的结论是,建立多数黑人区会通过增加国会的保守主义来减少黑人代表。但是,这项研究通常受到三个限制:聚合水平太低,缺乏反事实以及无法解释多数少数民族地区的内生性。我比较了来自各州的国会代表团,他们认为,在1990年的重新分区中,使用差异差异框架创建少数族裔地区的压力更大,而在少数族裔地区的压力较小。我发现没有证据表明建立少数民族地区会导致更保守的众议院代表团。实际上,点估计虽然在统计上不重要,但表明在黑人占多数的地区增加的州的代表团越来越自由。对于西南部的多数拉丁美洲裔地区,我发现了类似的结果。因此,我找不到普遍观点认为多数少数民族地区减少国会中少数族裔代表的证据。

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