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Why Arrow's theorem matters for political theory even if preference cycles never occur

机译:为什么即使没有出现偏好周期,阿罗定理对政治理论也很重要

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摘要

Riker (Liberalism against populism, Waveland, New York, 1982) famously argued that Arrow's impossibility theorem undermined the logical foundations of "populism", the view that in a democracy, laws and policies ought to express "the will of the people". In response, his critics have questioned the use of Arrow's theorem on the grounds that not all configurations of preferences are likely to occur in practice; the critics allege, in particular, that majority preference cycles, whose possibility the theorem exploits, rarely happen. In this essay, I argue that the critics' rejoinder to Riker misses the mark even if its factual claim about preferences is correct: Arrow's theorem and related results threaten the populist's principle of democratic legitimacy even if majority preference cycles never occur. In this particular context, the assumption of an unrestricted domain is justified irrespective of the preferences citizens are likely to have.
机译:Riker(反对民粹主义的自由主义,纽约,韦弗兰,1982年)著名地指出,阿罗的不可能定理破坏了“民粹主义”的逻辑基础,认为民主制,法律和政策应该表达“人民的意愿”。 ”。作为回应,他的批评者对阿罗定理的使用提出了质疑,理由是并非所有的偏好配置都可能在实践中发生;它的存在可能是由于偏见。评论家们特别指出,多数偏好循环很少发生,定理利用了这种可能性。在这篇文章中,我认为,即使批评者对Riker的反驳也没有留下印记,即使事实证明其对偏好的主张是正确的:Arrow的定理和相关结果威胁了民粹主义者的民主合法性原则,即使绝不会出现多数偏好周期。在这种特定情况下,无限制域的假设是合理的,与公民可能具有的偏好无关。

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