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Römische Kriegsdeutungen und römische Kriegführung im früheren Mittelalter

机译:中世纪早期罗马人对战争和罗马战争的解释

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The article concerning the question how the people in the earlier middle Ages did perceive the patterns and the operating modes of Roman warfare is especially based upon narrative sources for just in Merovingian times a fixed ensemble of chronicles was defined to show the Roman past to the contemporaries. The Carolingian clerks, however, favoured the use of sources belonging to military history as mirrors of princes. Looking for some patterns of Roman warfare one can find in early medieval reports not only different descriptions of Roman and Barbarian commanders as war heroes or efficient war lords, but also really contrasting patterns referring to the attitudes shown by the simple Roman soldiers and their counterparts, the Barbarian fighters. The medieval chroniclers furthermore took over the concurrence between Biblical and Roman judgements belonging to the justification of war but there were some specific modifications. The Christian rulers, for example, from now on fought apostates and heretics and not Barbarian intruders who had constituted the essential adversary to the Roman Emperors. Not only in ancient poems but also in medieval chronicles the single combat was accepted as instrument of legal warfare. The providing of hostages probably resulted, on one hand, of the Romans' dealing with prisoners of war and, on the other hand, of the irregular taking of hostages by the Barbarians in the Imperial age. At the ending of the forth century the ecclesiastical asylum was obviously arisen of the Roman sacral law but it also seemed to be an answer to the frequent attacks foreign soldiers carried out to several people and different church goods. Indeed, the deditio stayed an accepted standard for the handing over of towns, tribes and individuals till nowadays. The triumph, however, was a special custom the Occidental nations took over from Byzantium. Concerning strategy the chroniclers informed their public that someone following his Roman forerunners had to pay attention to geographic and logistic facts planning and carrying out a campaign, that the army if it were put into action, could be divided into several columns and commanded by different officers but it ought to be subordinated to one common destination. There could be an exchange from one commander to the other or not although the commandant stayed the same, and after his own decision he was personally able to fight in battle, too. Belonging to tactics the writers in the earlier middle Ages remembered that the soldiers should be locally recruited and regularly drilled, stratagems ought to be done, the camp has to be pitched every day, the enemy should be spied out by well trained observers, the siege supported by special machines, the battle line previously stipulated, the shock attack carried out by someone lying in ambush and the dummy flight suddenly brought into action. There were, however, longer-term changes belonging to the armament until the arrival of the well armoured cavalry in the Carolingian age.
机译:这篇关于中世纪早期人们如何理解罗马战争的模式和运作模式的问题的文章特别是基于叙事资料,仅在梅洛芬奇时期就定义了固定的编年史集,以向当代人展示罗马的过去。 。但是,加洛林文员赞成将属于军事历史的资料用作王子的镜子。在寻找中世纪战争的某些模式时,人们不仅可以在早期的中世纪报道中找到对罗马和野蛮指挥官作为战争英雄或有效率的战争领主的不同描述,而且还可以发现与简单的罗马士兵及其同行所表现出的态度形成鲜明对比的模式,野蛮战士。中世纪的编年史者还接管了属于战争辩护的圣经和罗马审判之间的共识,但有一些特定的修改。例如,从现在起,基督教统治者就与叛逆者和异端进行了斗争,而不是构成罗马皇帝必不可少的对手的蛮族入侵者。不仅在古代诗歌中,而且在中世纪编年史中,单一的战斗都被视为合法战争的工具。提供人质一方面可能是由于罗马人与战俘打交道,另一方面是由于帝国时代的野蛮人不定期地劫持人质。在四世纪末,教会庇护显然是由罗马of法引起的,但它似乎也可以回答外国士兵对几个人和不同教堂物品的频繁袭击。的确,直到今天,教区仍是移交城镇,部落和个人的公认标准。然而,胜利是西方国家从拜占庭接管的一种特殊习俗。关于战略,编年史家告诉公众,跟随他的罗马先行者的人们必须注意地理和后勤事实的规划和开展运动,如果将其付诸行动,军队可以分为几列,并由不同的军官指挥但应该从属于一个共同的目的地。尽管指挥官保持不变,但还是可以交换一个指挥官,并且在他自己决定之后,他本人也可以在战斗中战斗。属于早期中世纪作家的战术,他们记得应该在当地招募士兵并定期进行训练,应该采取策略,要每天扎营,必须由训练有素的观察员监视敌人,进行包围在特殊机器的支持下,战线已预先规定,埋伏者进行的电击和虚拟飞行突然开始起作用。但是,直到加洛林时代装甲骑兵部队的到来之前,军备都有较长期的变化。

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