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The Case against New Nuclear Weapons

机译:反对新核武器的案子

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Does the United States need nuclear bombs to destroy enemy bunkers and chemical or biological weapons? For some people, the answer is clear. Strong proponents of nuclear weapons speak of the need to give the president every possible military option, and the Bush administration's 2002 Nuclear Posture Review reflects this affirmative response. On the other side, committed opponents maintain that no potential military capability could justify designing―let alone building or using―new nuclear bombs. For both camps, the details of the proposed weapons are irrelevant. Yet neither of the simple arguments for or against new nuclear weapons is broadly accepted. The United States does not develop every possible weapon simply to provide the president with all options; policymakers have, for example, judged the military value of chemical weapons insufficient to outweigh the political benefits of forgoing them. On the other hand, the nation has never rejected nuclear use outright and has always reserved the possibility of using tactical nuclear weapons. Indeed, until the end of the Cold War, such weapons were central to U.S. military thinking.
机译:美国是否需要核弹来摧毁敌方掩体和化学或生物武器?对于某些人来说,答案很明确。强烈支持核武器的人谈到有必要给总统提供一切可能的军事选择,布什政府2002年的《核态势评估》反映了这种肯定的回应。另一方面,坚定的反对者坚持认为,任何潜在的军事能力都无法证明设计(更不用说建造或使用)新的核弹了。对于两个营地,拟议武器的细节均无关紧要。然而,关于支持或反对新核武器的简单论据均未得到广泛接受。美国不会开发所有可能的武器,仅仅是为了向总统提供所有选择。例如,政策制定者认为化学武器的军事价值不足以超过放弃化学武器的政治利益。另一方面,该国从未彻底拒绝使用核武器,并始终保留使用战术核武器的可能性。的确,直到冷战结束,这类武器对于美国军事思想来说都是至关重要的。

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